B    3    110 


GERMAN-FRENCH 


OIF1    187O-71. 


WM.    E.    F.    KRAUSE, 


LIBRARY 

OF  THE 

UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA 

GIFT  OF" 


Received  .  .afLSy.i? 
Accession  No...Z£.Al£.J..  -    Class  No.  ..... 


THE 


GERMAN-FRENCH  WAR  OF  1810 


ITS  CONSEQUENCES 


UPON 


FUTURE    CIVILIZATION. 


BY  WM.  E.  F.  KRAUSE, 

AUTHOR    OF    "  AMERICAN    INTERESTS    IN  BORNEO,"  THE  UNITED  STATES  INTERESTS 

ABROAD,"  AND  A  NUMBER  OF  POEMS  IN  THE  ENGLISH 

AND    GERMAN    LANGUAGES. 


SAN  FRANCISCO,   CAL. 

JOS.  WINTEKBUEN  &  COMPANY,  PBINTEBS  AND  ELECTBOTYPERS, 
No.  417  Clay  Street,  between  Sansome  and  Battery. 

1872. 


ROOMS    OF    THE 

ODD  FELLOWS'  LIBRARY  ASSOCIATION. 


SAN  FRANCISCO,  FEBRUARY  28th,   1872. 
SIR:  , 

I  am  requested  by  the  Government  of  the  Association  to  acknowledge 
your  donation  of  your  works  on  "  BORNEO/'  "  THE  INFLUENCE  OF  THE 
UNITED  STATES  ABROAD,"  "  AMERICA,  THE  HOPE  OF  MANKIND,"  "  FOUR 
POEMS,"  "THE  SANCTITY  OF  MARRIAGE,"  "22  POEMS  IN  THE  GERMAN  LAN 
GUAGE,"  and  the  "  HISTORY  OF  THE  FRANCO-GERMAN  WAR  OF  1870,"  all  of 
which  have  been  bound  and  placed  on  our  shelves,  and  to  return  their 
thanks  for  the  same. 

HENRY  C.  SQUIRE, 

SECRETARY. 
To  W.  E.  F.  KRAUSE,  ESQ. 

SAN  FRANCISCO, 

CALIFORNIA. 

*^1  / 



The  anniversary  of  Mr.  Krause's  20  years'  residence  in  California. 
Arrival  of  the  Steamship  Golden  Gate,  Capt.  Patterson,  from  Panama. 


Entered  according  to  act  of  Congress  in  the  year  1872, 

BY  WM.  E.  F.  KKAUSE, 
In  the  Office  of  the  Librarian  of  Congress,  at  Washington. 


PAGES. 

PAET  I.     INTRODUCTORY  :  The  Advance  of  Kepublicanisin 1-11 

The  War. 

a.  The  Diplomacy  of  France  and  Prussia 11-21 

6.  The  Crown  of  Spain  as  proffered  to  the  Prince 

of  Hohenzollern  Sigmaringen 21-28 

c.  The  acceptance  of  said  Crown  by  a  Prince  of 
Hohenzollern  considered  by  the  government 
of  Napoleon  as  a  casus  belli 28-34 

PAET  II.     Napoleon's  calculations  of  success  in  a  war  with 
Prussia,  and  the  Declaration  of  War. 

a.  Napoleon's  Calculations 34-37 

b.  The   non-interference   by   all   the   European 

nations 37-46 

c.  The  Official  Declaration  of  War  by  France  to 

Prussia    46-47 

d.  Interesting  Speeches  and  Diplomatic  Corres 

pondence  between  France  and  Prussia  on 
the  Subject  of  the  Balance  of  Power  in 
Europe 47-69 

PART  III.     The  Provisional  Battle  Ground 69-72 

PAKT  IV.     The  Prussian  and  French  Army  Organizations 72-78 

PART     V.     The  War  in  Detail : 

a.  The  Staff  of  Generals  of  the  French  and  Ger 

man  Armies — The  Executive  Command  over 
the  entire  German  Army  entrusted  by  the 
King  of  Prussia  to  General  Moltke 78-79 

b.  The  Commencement  of  Hostilities 79-80 

c.  The  Battles 80-85.     Continued  from  100-112 

PAET       VI.     The  French  Republic 85-94 

PAET     VII.     Why  Peace  was  not  concluded  at  Sedan 94-100 

PAET  VIII.     The  Capitulation  of  Strasburg  and  Metz— Naval 

Engagements 100-103 


IV 


PART     IX.     The  Siege  of  Paris  and  the  Battles  against  the 

Army  of  the  Loire 103-112 

PART       X.     The  Consequences  of  the  "War  upon  Future  Civ 
ilization  112-121 

PART     XI.     Peace— The  New  Boundary  of  Germany 121-124 

a.  The  Preliminaries    of  Peace 124-129 

PART    XII.     Germany  at  Home 129-134 

PART  XIII.     Historical  Future  — The   Regeneration   of  the 

Netherlands 134-139 

PART  XIV.  The  Cosmopolitan  Power  of  the  United  States 
of  America,  Great  Britain,  and  United  Ger 
many 139-142 

SAN  FRANCISCO,  CaL,  February  22d,  1872.  * 


Page 
Page 
Page 
Page 
Page 
Page 
Page 
Page 
Page 


ERRATA. 

2,  line  29th,  read  1,000,000,000,  instead  of  1,000,000. 
40,  line  15th,  read  Tartary,  instead  of  Turkey. 

94,  line  26th,  read  the,  instead  of  they. 

95,  line  34th,  read  herself,  instead  of  itself. 
130,  line  1st,  read  welded,  instead  of  smelted. 
130,  line  33d,  read  civilized,  instead  of  barbarous. 
135,  line  27th,  read  her,  instead  of  its. 

135,  line  30th,  read  their,  instead  of  her. 

136,  line  13th,  read  best,  instead  of  but. 
141,  line  15th,  read  upon,  instead  of  to. 


PART    THE    FIRST. 


THE   ADVANCE    OF 


IT  being  an  avowed  characteristic  of  the  high  order  of  civilization 
attained  to  at  this  period  of  the  world's  history,  for  man  and  nations 
to  sympathize  with  and  aid  in  ameliorating  the  misfortunes  of  one 
another,  it  is  quite  natural  that,  we  find  the  people  of  the  United 
States  not  only  averse  to  and  regretting  all  wars,  from  principle, 
themselves  politically  acting  upon  its  high  commands,  but  observe 
them  aggrieved  at  the  war  which  in  turn  has  devastated  France,  aa 
affecting  one  of  the  most  civilized  nations  by  retarding  its  general 
progress  of  prosperity. 

Truly  loyal  in  their  wishes  for  the  maintenance  of  the  Republic  in 
France,  and  eager  in  discerning  symptoms  of  a  like  improvement  upon 
government  in  other  civilized  nations,  the  American  people,  while 
pondering  over  the  extraordinary  commotion  of  this  war,  experience 
a  relief  in  the  contemplation  that  with  the  tranquil  demise  of  the  ven 
erable  Emperor  of  Germany,  the  great  intellectual  union  of  the  Ger 
man  people  may  signify  the  unveiling  of  the  bright  Goddess  of  Lib 
erty  in  Germany,  and,  resting  at  her  heart,  feel  its  throbbings  a 
mother's  love  for  every  child  alike. 

Then,  with  Great  Britain  and  her  colonies  simultaneously  to  follow, 
there  is  indeed  a  fair  prospect,  at  this  age,  for  all  mankind  to  become 
free!  And  how  unlike  the  dark  periods  of  history  when  the  Romans 
failed  in  the  permanency  of  the  Republic  through  want  of  universal 
education,  precluding  a  high  state  of  morality,  and  were  not  guided 
to  happiness  by  experience  in  the  inestimable  advantages  of  an  enlight 
ening  Christianity. 

With  us  the  republican  versus  the  monarchical  government  has 
stood  a  centennial  test — enough  positive  proof  of  not  only  its  ra 
tional  superiority  over  all  other  forms  of  government,  but  of  its  admi 
rable  efficiency,  de  facto,  and  its  indivisibility  and  feasibility  in  enlight 
ened  ages.  It  now  excels  as  the  most  glorious  achievement  of 
progress,  because  under  it  can  be,  and  with  us  has  been,  is  daily,  and 
shall  forever  be  attained,  the  true  object  of  all  civilization:  the  individ- 


2 

ual  happiness  of  man  to  an  universal  extent,  duly  commensurate  with  a 
steady  advance  in  the  general  progress  of  civilization,  so  as  to  justify, 
as  in  accord  with  it,  the  prediction  of  its  ultimate  adoption  by  all 
nations,  and  to  be  by  them  regarded  as  manifest  destiny,  so  soon  as 
sufficiently  enlightened  and  consequently  unanimously  determined  of 
proclaiming,  appreciating  and  revering  it. 

Its  legitimacy  is  found  sacred,  inasmuch  as  all  truth  and  knowl 
edge  is  derived  from  an  incessant  and  correct  interpretation  and  judi 
cious  application  of  nature,  which  wisdom,  by  labor  attained,  as  ren 
dering  man  good,  virtuous  and  prosperous,  enables  him  to  properly 
appreciate  life,  directing  reason  to  guide  him  to  actions  which,  when 
sagaciously  applied  to  the  present,  create  his  happiness,  and,  united 
with  others,  expand  civilization,  in  chronological  order  of  the  day, 
through  all  ages  of  time.  So  the  earnest  reflectant  not  merely  per 
ceives  man  as  living  in  great  numbers,  scattered  all  over  the  earth,  and 
originally  born  in  mental  and  physical  equality,  but  observes  him  as 
with  impartiality  tenderly  cradled  amidst  the  grand  loveliness  of 
nature,  which,  heralding  the  voice  of  God,  distinguishes  him  as  His 
image  by  the  exuberance  of  his  reasoning  powers,  and  vouchsafes  him 
happiness  everywhere,  while  it  demands  of  him  the  sacred  duty  of 
fraternity.  This  duty,  be  it  understood,  the  American  people,  as  a  nation, 
really  and  almost  only  religiously  obey,  but  which  ought  in  this  age  to 
serve  every  civilized  being  as  the  syntax  of  the  great  study  of  the  use 
of  life,  as  acknowledged  and  demonstrated  by  civilization,  which  study 
is  made  altogether  supreme  in  importance  by  the  force  of  reflection 
upon  the  surety,  as  well  as  the  mysterious  uncertainty  of  the  time,  of 
death. 

The  duty  of  fraternity  is  realized  from  the  fact  of  the  existence  at 
our  age  of  about  1,000,000  people.  Furthermore,  God  creating  man 
and  not  nations,  land  and  not  countries,  nature  not  only  points  to 
man's  independence  through  his  individuality,  as  an  inalienable  right 
wherever  he  lives,  but  to  freedom  of  his  actions  and  the  liberty  of 
his  will.  As  man  at  all  arrives  at  civilization  through  external  influ 
ences,  elevating  his  mind  and  cultivating  his  heart,  so  the  circle  of  his 
personal  friends  shall  widen  in  proportion  of  his  own  advance  to 
that  of  others  in  usefulness  and  sympathetic  attractiveness  through 
education,  refinement  and  social  intercourse.  Consequently,  the  more 
readily  and  generally  the  duty  of  fraternity  is  fulfilled,  the  more  tol 
erant,  forbearing  and  compassionate  man  is,  the  more  communicative 
of  his  knowledge,  the  more  considerate  in  his  regard  for  the  feelings 
of  others,  the  more  gracefully  and  unassumingly  he  deports  himself- 
the  more  genteel  and  accomplished  he  is,  the  happier  his  life,  the  more 
religiously  and  sensibly  does  he  act;  and  the  more  universal  such 
enlightenment  in  a  nation,  the  more  civilized  a  people  composed  of 


such  ladies  and  gentlemen,  and  the  more  conspicuous  the  truth  of 
republicanism,  which  alone  guarantees  the  independence  of  man. 

Therefore  no  system  of  government  is  compatible  with  civilization 
in  the  fullest  sense  of  the  word,  in  which  man,  its  first  principle,  its 
true  idiom  and  object,  is  precluded  from,  is  not  considered  morally  fit 
for  self-government;  who,  possessing  the  attribute  of  moral  fitness,  as 
emerged  from  cannibalism  and  heathenism,  and  with  reasoning  powers 
unimpaired,  has  unquestionably  the  right,  from  the  fact  that  he  adds 
at  least  some  share  of  usefulness  to  the  common  wealth,  of  demanding 
participation  in  a  government  which  consolidates  but  for  the  one  object, 
and,  unitedly  only,  successfully  carries  it  out:  the  ennobling  of  man — 
the  happiness  and  usefulness  of  all  in  the  presence  of  God. 

In  order  that  all  mankind  may  adopt  our  precedent,  we,  finding  at 
least  the  European  nations  abundantly  prepared  for  self-government, 
which  is  daily  ascertained  from  the  German  and  French  as  well  as  any 
other  immigrant  to  whom  we  grant  the  vote  and  whom  we  receive  into 
the  bosom  of  our  commonwealth  with  the  kindness  and  trust  of  a 
friend — consequently  whose  brother  (unfortunately  for  us  left  behind) 
is  equally  fit  for  voting  there — it  becomes  not  only  necessary  but  a  duty 
incumbent  on  the  American  people,  as  the  most  happy  portion  of  the 
fraternity  of  mankind,  of  illustrating  by  all  manner  of  means  the 
direct  effect  of  our  institutions  upon  the  happiness  of  men  residing 
here  and  forming  the  American  nation,  to  all  foreigners  outside,  for 
their  special  edification  and  encouragement. 

This  duty  effectually  to  carry  out,  which  obviously  is  of  such  inesti 
mable  aesthetic  worth  to  civilization,  appears  and  becomes  imperative 
from  the  standpoint  of  our  institutions,  by  which  we  foster,  a  care  for 
the  interest  of  humanity  in  all  places  and  at  all  times;  while  officially 
their  peaceable  tenor  prescribes  observance  of  strict  neutrality  in  all 
international  affairs.  It  includes  the  hope  for  an  "universal  law  ere 
long  to  be  agreed  upon  and  passed,  by  which  wars  may  henceforth  be 
peremptorily  avoided  through  mutual  obligations  of  settling  all  unto- 
wardly  arising  political  dissensions  by  arbitration  —  substituting 
for  expensive  standing  armies  the  economical  volunteer  system  and 
similarly  humane,  rational  and  judicious  derivations. 

As  an  agreeable  task,  cheerfully  undertaken,  it  is  satisfactorily 
accomplished  by  manfully  expressing  our  gratitude  for  the  happiness 
we  as  a  nation  enjoy  under  the  banner  of  freedom  in  this  country,  on 
all  occasions,  publicly  and  privately— availing  ourselves  especially  of 
every  foreign  imbroglio  to  do  so. 

Such  a  feature  would  undoubtedly  show  its  efficiency  abroad  because 

3  lawfulness  and  access  to  the  censors.     It  convinces.     To  vituper- 

-tively  denounce  monarchical  governments,  or  to  praise  our  own  in  a 

pompous  manner,  could  not  be  thought  of  an  instant;  both  attempts 


at  making  the  desired  impression  would  prove  altogether  futile — the 
former  with  the  ignorant  abroad  creating  hatred,  and  with  the  pow- 
ful  a  scornful  delight ;  while  the  latter  would  present  the  American 
citizen  altogether  in  a  wrong  light,  likewise  falling  short  of  effect. 

No;  if  the  truth  must  be  told,  let  every  one  prove  his  words  by  his 
residence  in  this  country,  and  not  for  whole  years  in  European  capi 
tals;  by  his  quiet  contentedness  here,  so  envied  by  the  wealthiest 
roaming  cosmopolite;  by  his  studied  silence  of  opinion  in  regard  to 
wars  as  unelating  and  disagreeably  obvious  of  misery;  by  a  profound 
disregard  of  the  hollowiiess  of  a  mere  and  altogether  unreputed 
appearance  of  man,  as  best  stifling  in  the  bud  the  spirit  of  aristocratic 
intolerance;  by  a  liberal  acknowledgement  of  talent  here  and  abroad; 
by  lavish  exhibitions  of  industry  in  this  country,  while  promptly  fre 
quenting  those  of  Europe  ;  and  by  the  diminution  in  the  cost  of 
steamship  travel  and  of  letter  postage,  viewed  as  the  carriers  of  civili 
zation,  which  make  known  to  the  world  the  truth  of  republics  and 
influence  emigration  ;  and  we  cannot  fail  in  drawing  the  attention  of 
all  foreign  people  upon  us,  touch  with  dignity  and  due  effect  the 
pernicious  pride  of  the  aristocrat,  the  obstinate  enemy  of  fraternity 
and  good  will  toward  all  men— the  stoic  skeptic  in  the  religious  truth 
of  the  republic  —  and  we  shall  succeed  in  arousing  an  earnest 
longing  and  a  fluttering  among  all  classes  to  either  emigrate  here 
or  to  be  similarly  free  and  happy  there,  leaving  man's  opinion  to 
mature  on  the  spot,  from  the  richness  of  facts  received  in  double-quick 
time. 

These  facts,  vividly  illustrated,  as  they  shall  depict  life  in  the 
United  States  in  all  phases  of  a  veritably  unsurpassed  progress  in  civ 
ilization,  the  cause  of  freedom,  of  man's  personal  independence  in  this 
country;  and  of  all  the  appliances  of  civilized  life — free  schools,  a  free 
press  and  free  labor — and  not  of  favorable  natural  advantages  and  a 
thinly-populated  country  only,  so  often,  with  lamentable  ignorance, 
held  forth  as  an  argument  by  men,  strange  to  say,  in  our  very  midst: 
these  proofs  are  daily  abundantly  given,  and  are  hourly  carried  by 
telegraph  and  by  steam,  in  person,  to  and  fro,  the  world  over;  in 
books  and  in  letters,  by  millions;  are  magnificently  displayed  by  the 
fabulous  wealth  of  our  commerce  at  home  and  abroad;  then  again,  by 
the  unknown  existence  at  any  time  of  a  poverty-stricken  multitude  in 
our  large  cities,  as  one  of  the  greatest  blessings  which  republics  only 
afford,  where  men  are  Kworii  by  the  vote  to  the  duty  of  ameliorating 
the  condition  of  one  another,  in  order  that  all  be  drawn  to  the  siirface 
of  ease  and  comfort,  and  no  partiality  shown  in  detriment  to  the 
divine  rights  of  another,  while  purposely  remiss  in  adulation  of  the 
wealth  of  the  man  whose  individual  usefulness  to  the  country  at  large 
does  not  stand  in  exact  proportion  to  it,  or  whose  moral  example  is 


none,  nor  his  heart  known  to  pulsate  audibly  for  love  as  well  as 
public  charities,  as  in  the  case  of  a  charitable  bachelor  millionaire 
acquiring  with  enormous  wealth  the  peculiar  duty  of  judiciously  dis 
posing  of  the  greater  part  of  it  to  the  public  before  he  dies;  by  the  eti 
quette  of  our  National  Government,  which  expects  of  the  best  of  men 
as  well  as  the  most  useful  and  learned  to  say  to  himself,  cc  There  are 
others  aspiring  to  what  I  once  honorably  craved  and  now  glory  in, 
of  having  successfully  attained";  by  the  less  than  nominal  expense  to 
the  wealthiest  nation  upon  earth  of  the  care  for  the  bodily  comfort  of 
the  inmates  of  the  White  House,  as  in  concert  with  the  habits  of  the 
real  American,  who  values  wealth  but  as  a  medium  of  carrying  out 
intelligent  ideas — worthless  to  him  as  a  clap-trap  for  either  power, 
glory  or  fashion;  and  rising  as  another  brilliant  star  to  outshine  the 
allurements  of  Europe,  .where  the  retinue  of  courts  serves  as  a  gas  by 
which  the  fashionable  avenues  of  trade  are  lit  up;  then,  again,  by 
the  innumerable  institutions  of  benevolence;  by  the  respect  and  cour 
tesy  shown  to  every  lady  in  every  station  of  life;  by  the  protection 
given  and  license  of  freedom  granted  to  every  child  ;  and,  above  all, 
by  the  Press,  in  the  light  of  a  daily  producer  and  conveyancer  of 
wholesome  as  well  as  delicious  nutriment  for  the  mind  of  man,  serving, 
caring  and  ambulancing  the  wounded  hearts  of  mankind,  without 
intermission,  to  the  glory  of  civilization,  besides  being  the  most  irre 
pressible  arm  of  Freedom,  the  ever  invulnerable  shield  of  Liberty. 

By  such  means  as  those  enumerated,  which  we  know  are  in  con 
stant,  active  use,  and.  always  on  the  increase  ever  since  the  telegraph  and 
steam — in  reality  the  manual  hands  of  civilization, — have  almost  anni 
hilated  geographical  distances,  it  appears  an  utter  impossibility  for  the 
leading  European  nations  to  adhere  any  longer  to  monarchical  govern- 
ernments  and  classifications  of  society  which  are  not  only  unnatural 
but  superannuated  by  the  force  of  universal  enlightenment.  As  a 
standard  truth,  this  assertion  is  verified  by  the  full  weight  of  the 
naturalization  oath  resting  upon  it  which  the  intelligent  foreigner 
takes  in  this  country  when,  from  conviction  and  sheer  intelligence,  he 
abjures  all  allegiance  to  royalty  as  inconsistent  with  his  conception  of 
what  is  humanly  right.  In  doing  so  he  likewise  abjures  all  sympathy 
with  the  usurped  power  of  its  mandates  and  adopts  this  country  as  his 
only  home,  because  of  its  entire  freedom  from  arbitrary  and  hereditary 
individual  power,  and  with  institutions  drafted  to  that  effect,  as  afford 
ing  him  the  desired  and  expected  guarantee  for,  and  a  permanent 
and  peaceable  enjoyment  of,  all  his  own  individual  and  lawful  rights. 

In  order  to  produce  in  California,  or  America  generally,  a  synoptical 
portraiture  sufficiently  explanatory  of  the  various  causes  which  led  to 
this  memorable  war,  is  perhaps  preferably  done  by  translating  from 
some  work,  well  spoken  of  on  the  continent  of  Europe,  instead  of  going 


6 

I 

to  the  infinite  trouble  of  compiling  it  here.  It  possesses  the  considera 
ble  advantage  of  making  the  reader  acquainted,  in  a  piquant  manner, 
with  many  local  incidents  otherwise  unattainable,  yet  indispensable,  on 
account  of  their  elucidating  events,  when  and  where  these  have  occurred 
— items  of  importance  in  historical  literature,  and  realty  serviceable  for 
better  comprehension  of  the  general  subject  under  view.  Besides,  as  little 
lights  of  history,  they  are  duly  retained,  destined  of  dispersing,  to  some 
extent,  the  gloom  which  is  cast  over  the  mind  during  the  perusal  of 
belletristic  works,  by  their  throwing  an  electric  glare  of  truthfulness 
over  the  dismal  pages  of  nightly  ignorance  and  gory  battle-fields, 
which  latter  they  point  out  with  unerring  precision,  and  by  the  force 
of  the  limpid,  spasmodic  dazzlertess  peculiar  to  the  artificial  nature  of 
that  extraordinary  light,  awake  in  every  one  anew  the  hope  which 
precedes  the  glorious  daylight  of  enlightenment,  that  wars  be  altogether 
eschewed  through  an  obligatory  international  law,  and  its  obedience 
practically  enforced  among  the  nations,  through  the  establishment  of 
a  republican  form  of  government. 

As  republicanism  is  the  highest  tribunal  of  civilization,  it  wields  the 
executive  power  of  impartial  justice  to  all  men,  mainly  through  the 
institutional  or  lawful  provision  of  peace,  the  ethereal  shield  of  liberty, 
protecting  life,  individually  and  collectively,  nationally  and  internation 
ally,  publicly  and  privately,  at  all  hazards. 

In  times  of  peace  only,  as  obviously  is  the  object  of  civilization, 
the  individual  happiness  of  man,  to  an  universal  extent,  duly  at 
tained,  in  full  accordance  with  religion,  which  teaches  us  through 
nature  that  God,  creating  man  to  live,  intends  him  to  die  a  natural 
death.  To  expose  one's  self  to  an  unnatural  death,  or  worse,  precipitate 
it  intentionally,  is,  therefore — the  one  a  personal  fault,  and  the  other  an 
uncivilized  action — similar  to  insanity,  hereditary  or  not,  which,  caused 
by  disease  of  the  vital  brain,  the  consequence  of  an  unwise  life  uncongru- 
ous  of  nature,  proves  that  life  stands  entirely  unconnected  with  the  time 
of  death,  as  so  chastely  and  omnipotently  veiled  by  God  only.  Then 
again,  the  local  items  above  referred  to  mournfully  serve  as  links  in 
the  chain  of  study,  how  far  this  war  has  detained  the  march  of  prog 
ress — although  it  must  be  admitted  that  any  war,  like  sin,  once  com 
mitted,  is  a  step  nearer  atonement,  which  signifies,  in  regard  to  politics, 
that  by  the  ready  avowal  of  republican  institutions,  as  redeeming  a 
nation  from  sin  by  freeing  it  from  the  last  remnant  of  barbarism,  may 
render  it  in  future  more  prosperous,  and  each  individual  better 
and  happier.  In  the  same  proportion  that  the  Christian  religion 
stands  to  Paganism,  civilization  to  barbarism,  peace  to  war,  the  quick 
spread  of  republicanism  to  universal  popular  enlightenment,  so  sure  it 
is  that  its  advance  in  Europe  stands  parallel  to  the  influence  which  it 
receives  from  the  United  States  of  America.  Eevered  by  us  as  a  politi- 


cal  as  well  as  private  acme  of  justice,  and  accordingly  practiced  as  a 
national  law,  in  all  international  affairs,  Peace  is  the  Minerva  of  Liberty 
in  a  free  country,  the  Aurora  Australis,  which  lovingly  animates  the 
power  of  virtue,  enabling  man's  happiness  to  unfold  itself  through 
life  in  all  its  pristine  purity  and  strength,  and  the  terrestrial  temple  of 
the  soul,  in  which  the  conscience  of  man  piously  worships  God.  As 
such  America  introduces  republicanism  into  the  civilized  world,  sub 
stantiated  by  our  greatness  as  a  nation — the  incontestible  proof  of 
man's  incomparable  happiness,  here  attained  under  the  canopy  of  in 
dependence  as  well  as  of  heaven. 

No  longer  a  matter  of  time,  but  of  absolute  certainty  in  this  en 
lightened  age,  of  succeeding  in  making  republicanism  universally 
appreciated,  it  requires  but  reduction  of  expense  and  of  time  in  our 
steamship  travel  and  in  letter  postage.  The  more  we  gain  upon  anni 
hilation  of  geographical  distances  by  telegraph  and  steam,  the  speedier 
we  shall  attain  to  the  desired  end  of  elevating  all  nations  into  political 
manhood,  affording  them  proper  opportunities  to  copy  from  us,  as 
the  living  example.  By  thus  constantly  increasing  the  number  of  our 
steamers,  plying  between  America  and  Europe,  and  the  world  at  large,  at 
the  smaller  an  expense  of  passage  and  of  freight  moneys  as  practical 
the  better,  increasing  likewise  the  speed  of  travel,  if  at  all  possible,  as 
valuing  time,  we  shall  unfailingly  bring  about  the  desideratum — the 
great  point  at  issue  in  civilization — an  increase  of  the  explanation  be 
tween  brother  and  brother,  which  knows  of  no  hindrance,  fears  no 
censor — is  the  sunny  light  of  reason  and  of  love,  which  goes  to  heart, 
convinces,  and  succeeds.  This  reflection  is  drawn  directly  from  the 
uncontrovertible  fact  that  Europe  has  gained  more  in  liberal  ideas  since 
the  days  of  steamship  travel,  bringing  it  into  frequent  contact  with 
America,  than  its  progress  in  that  direction  amounted  to  ever  since  the 
invasion  by  the  Huns,  and  which  progress  in  the  practical  promulga 
tion  of  civilizing  principles  is  bound  to  increase  in  exact  proportion  to 
the  tide  of  immigration  setting  in  here  strongly,  which  ebbs  its  fer 
tilizing  truths  through  the  lunar  agency  of  sublunary  happiness  into  the 
hearts  of  all  mankind,  arousing  them  to  be  faithful  and  unfailing  in 
their  own  sovereign  independence  as  republicans. 

Every  information  in  regard  to  European  affairs  generally,  received 
in  America,  whether  officially  or  privately,  it  ought  to  be  borne  in  mind 
is  furnished  from  abroad  by  aliens,  who  as  such  are  unfortunately 
biassed  in  the  judgment  of  international  affairs,  from  the  very  nature 
of  their  governments,  as  consequent  upon  the  conventional  life  the 
people  traditionally  lead  as  rigid  adherents  to  caste  ;  less  indeed  from 
ignorance  and  prejudice,  or  good  intentions  in  many  individual  cases, 
concerning  the  duty  of  elevating  man  to  the  moral  standard  of  social 
equality,  than  what  appears  to  us  a  willful  and  sinful  lack  of  determina- 


8 

tion  of  familiarizing  themselves  with,  and  without  any  more  circumlocu 
tory  ado  in  this  age,  adopt  our  system  of  government,  in  which  that  stand 
ard  is  secured  to  all  as  a  form  and  basis  of  civilization,  as  they  have 
had  ample  opportunity  afforded  them  during  a  hundred  years,  of 
doing  so. 

I  have  already  shown  in  the  introductory  of  this  work  that  the  Ger 
man  and  French,  as  well  as  any  other  immigrant  here,  proves  to  a 
fault  that  his  relatives  he  left  behind  possess  to  a  like  degree  the  proper 
fitness  for  self-government  there,  and  that  dire  necessity  no  longer 
legitimatizes  monarchical  governments,  where  the  people  have  by  uni 
versal  enlightenment  emancipated  themselves  from  an  originally  bar 
barous  condition  of  unfitness  to  live  peaceably  and  within  the 
boundaries  of  law,  but  that,  proving  now  to  be  enlightened  they  ought 
to  know  that  government  is  not  a  compulsory  institution  among  prac 
tically,  intelligent,  and  unbigoted  beings,  but  merely  a  clerkship  of 
the  nation,  composed  of  everybody  as  an  integral,  a  natural,  and  an  in- 
devisable  part,  and  should  never  be  dreaded  as  an  instrument  of  arbi 
trary  power ;  on  the  contrary,  may  well  and  should  be  loved  as  a  huge 
law  cfiioe,  in  which  the  legitimate  rights  and  the  sacred  welfare  of 
man  are  in  quite  a  fraternal  manner  broadly  and  intelligently  discussed 
in  the  eyes  of  God. 

The  judgment  of  the  powerful  abroad  with  reference  to  war — re 
sorted  to  in  order  to  adjust  difficulties,  as  if  they  still  lived  in  medieval 
ages,  in  which  the  rational  being  had  not  the  full  intellectual  force  of 
fortitude  at  his  disposal  of  combating  with  and  of  controlling  the 
infuriated  senses  of  man  and  nations,  constantly  embarrasses  us  of 
conceiving  as  justly,  because  bloodshed  never  coincides  with  noble  or 
brave  acts,  constituting  enlightenment,  nor  ever  was,  or  is  now  at  this 
period  of  the  world's  history,  in  accord  with  civilization,  in  which 
peace  at  all  hazards,  in  the  settlement  of  difficulties,  both  privately  and 
politically,  predominates  as  the  principal  characteristic,  and  rises  on 
the  horizon  of  enlightenment  as  the  most  brilliant  star,  guiding  man 
through  the  dark  labyrinthic  nights  of  ignorance.  We  therefore 
rigidly  practice  it  as  a  nation,  as  in  adherence  to  the  superior  wisdom, 
and  in  proper  conformity  of  the  charitable  principles  pervading  all  our 
institutions  and  industrious  habits  of  life,  confident  that  with  the  spread 
of  republics  man's  unhappiness  will  everywhere  disappear  from  sight 
altogether. 

In  regard  to  historical  productions,  they  dwindle  down  to  a  mere 
clever  recital  of  authenticated  occurrences,  not  at  all  elating  in  them 
selves  ;  on  the  contrary,  and  in  reality,  very  pitiable  in  their  sad  con 
sequences  of  so  much  sanguinary  awfulness  and  general  misery  they 
entail,  sternly  demanding  no  positively  necessary  attention  beyond 
tearful,  and  of  course  substantial  succor,  except  that  in  every  one  of 


us  it  should  arouse  anew  the  one  overwhelmingly  sacred  duty,  amenda 
tory  of  such  misery,  and  incumbent  upon  an  American  to  comply  with, 
and  as  a  man  of  honor  and  personified  truth  cheerfully  and  voluntarily  to 
fulfill,  which  is  to  express  his  gratitude  for  our  institutions,  under 
which,  in  peace  and  amidst  plenty,  he,  and  every  one,  is  blessed,  and  can 
live  happily,  who  labors,  acts  sensibly,  studying  contentment  and  health, 
and  which  is  not  the  case  in  any  other  nation  to  such  an  approxima- 
tingly  universal  extent,  but  should  be  the  case  the  world  over.  Such 
an  avowal  is  not  only  always  timely,  but  especially  so  now.  It  strenu 
ously  draws  the  attention  of  the  world  upon  us,  in  order  that  foreign 
nations  be  led  to  respect  us  by  such  a  manful  demonstration  of  a 
proper  feeling  of  nationality,  which,  while  it  honors  us,  refutes  but 
their  stubborn  unbelief  in  the  superior  merits  of  our  institutions  ;  it 
is  theory  practically  applied.  For  sheer  want  of  such  morally  con 
vincing  proofs  they  remained  so  deplorably  long  in  ignorance  of  the 
manifold  blessings  they  afford,  openly  derided  them,  even  held  the 
same  in  abuse  for  selfish  purposes  of  their  own,  in  no  accord  with 
either  the  conscience  of  the  rulers  nor  the  intellectual  greatness  of  a 
nation  so  duped,  showing  it  quite  conclusively  that  the  chances  here 
tofore  afforded  them  for  knowing  America  well,  and  of  thoroughly 
estimating  its  vast  moral  power,  did  anything  but  suffice. 

Availing  themselves  of  the  misfortunes  to  man,  monarchs  covertly 
denounced  republics  as  a  conglomeration  of  lawlessness,  when  secretly 
at  heart  they  fear  the  promulgation  of  the  eternal  truth  of  the  equality 
of  man's  mind  for  culture  in  the  eyes  of  the  'civilized  world,  as  laying- 
bare  their  position  of  aristocrats  as  untenable  in  this  age,  and  pointing 
with  decimating  effect  towards  the  ruse  of  the  origin  of  their  preroga 
tives  as  altogether  unwarrantable,  because  devoid  of  charity  and  gen 
erosity  to  fellow-men,  and  as  to  a  hereditary  right  to  them  the  absurdity 
appearing  like  a  dense  fog,  which  disperses  only  when  the  sun  rises — 
then  not  the  shadow  of  a  vapor  remains  to  justify  it. 

A  sort  of  tomahawk  they  still  use  in  blasphemously  quoting  the 
Bible  as  authority  of  the  will  of  God  that  rule  and  servitude  should 
exist  on  earth,  and  cite  nature  as  legitimatizing  coercion,  when  from  a 
study  of  the  same  nature  we  are  taking  quite  a  different  version,  and 
find  that  it  leaves  us  at  a  loss  how  to  conceive  man  irrational.  Eeason, 
therefore,  by  the  strong,  unobtrusive  power  of  which  we  conceive  and 
comprehend  God's  love  of  all  mankind  alike,  as  our  bright  vision  be 
holds  man  living  in  inimitably  animated  forms  of  anatomically  perfect 
construction  and  equality,  leading  us  to  the  decorous  demeanor  of 
justice  and  kindness  toward  one  another  in  the  paths  of  private  life, 
led  us  to  unanimously  declare  our  independence  from  man's  aggres 
sion  upon  another's  rights,  and  politically  accomplish  a  gathering  of 
free  and  good  men,  denominated  the  republic,  which  significantly  in- 


10 

eludes  all  mankind.  That  its  security  be  imperishable,  and  the  world 
may  readily  adhere  to  its  sacred  vows,  we  gathered  into  it  all  the  avail 
able  principles  which  render  man  good,  and  consequently  happy,  so  as 
to  serve  not  only  us  for  the  time  being,  but  all  mankind  forever. 

Upon  this  truly  religious  and  equally  rational  comprehension  of 
God's  will  rests  our  conviction  that  all  nations  will  arrive  at.  the  appre 
ciation  and  adoption  of  the  republican  form  of  government,  the  time 
for  their  proclamation  being  fixed  according  to  the  advance  reached  in 
general  intelligence  by  the  people  universally. 

That  in  spite  of  the  Christian  religion,  which  the  civilized  world  has 
adopted,  on  account  of  its  incomparably  humanizing  principles,  but 
we,  and  a  few  other  but  thinly  populated  countries,  have  as  yet  fol 
lowed  its  divinely  moral  teachings,  which  although  so  near  common 
sense,  appear  still  so  distant  in  time  of  application,  proves  the  difficulty  of 
the  task,  that  without  the  aid  of  all,  republican  principles  cannot  be 
thoroughly  appreciated,  inasmuch  as  universal  enlightenment  and  per 
sonal  worth,  based  upon  education,  and,  above  all,  a  diffusion  of  a 
fraternal  spirit  of  amiability  and  generosity  are  indispensable  requisites 
for  the  due  attainment  to  its  desirable,  ultimate  end. 

WM.  E.  F.  KRAUSE. 

SAN  FRANCISCO,  February  22d,  1871. 


THE 


It  appears  that  on  the  19th  of  July,  1870,  the  Emperor  of  the 
French  declared  war  against  Germany,  to  the  great  astonishment  and 
surprise  of  the  people  of  the  latter  country,  there  being  no  palpable 
reason  for  a  necessity  of  any  such  warlike  demonstration  on  his  part. 
It  was,  therefore,  quite  natural  that  the  German  people  united  in  pre 
venting  serious  mischief,  leaving  internal  controversies  pending — as  is 
always  the  case  when  a  foreign  foe  is  intermeddling  or  intruding. 
This  patriotic  feeling  became  the  more  intensified  the  more  ib  became 
known,  from  the  various  pretexts  advanced,  proving  to  be  shallow,  that 
they  covered  nothing  less  than  a  deliberate  design  upon  the  independ 
ence  and  the  freedom  of  the  German  people,  thus  forcibly  reminding 
them  of  the  great  war  of  liberty  in  bygone  days,  and  securing  for  this 
one  that  unanimous  action  which  augurs  victory  from  the  commence 
ment  by  its  energetic  execution,  as  inspired  by  the  very  holiness  of  the 
cause  of  "  the  defence  of  national  freedom." 

What  these  pretexts  were  which  the  Emperor  of  the  French  ad 
vanced  for  the  inauguration  of  the  war,  and  his  real  intentions  en 
shrouded  by  them,  that  has  to  be  enunciated,  that  the  latter,  although 
of  a  twofold  nature,  as  being  dynastical  or  personal,  and  political  or 
traditional,  were  by  him  blended  into  one  determined  design  of  ag 
grandizing  upon  Germany. 

During  his  entire  reign  the  care  for  his  throne,  and  a  continuancy 
of  his  dynasty,  has  actuated  his  policy  at  home  and  abroad,  availing 
himself  of  the  influence  of  the  church  upon  the  peasantry,  likewise  of  the 
Imperialists,  and  of  the  army,  with  whom  the  name  of  Napoleon  bears 
a  charm,  and  of  the  majority  of  the  middle  classes,  who  were  his 
staunch  supporters,  because  they  feared  anarchy.  By  such  aids  he 
held  successfully  in  check  the  Bourbons,  the  Orleanists,  the  Liberals, 
and  even  the  Kepublicans,  always  occupying  the  army  in  a  manner 
satisfactory  to  their  martial  spirit.  But  ever  since  his  transatlantic  ad 
ventures  in  Mexico,  the  French  nation,  a  liberty-loving  people,  began 
to  show  their  sagacity  by  leaning  towards  the  espousal  of  the  republi 
can  cause,  exhibiting  this  inborn  desire  to  be  free  ;  in  other  words,  in 
dependent  of  the  rule  of  any  man  whomsoever  born  of  woman— 
publicly  and  unmistakably— which  showed  Napoleon  that  not  only  had 
republicanism  and  enlightenment  largely  increased  in  France  since 
1848,  but  that  his  throne  was  tottering  in  consequence,  and  his  dynasty 
in  jeopardy  of  expiring.  Such  a  calamity  to  his  imperial  self-inter- 


12 

ests  he  had  two  ways  of  encountering — either  by  war  with  a  neighbor 
ing  nation  or  by  a  plebiscitum.  Both  were  slippery  and  dangerous  to 
traverse.  As  to  a  war  abroad,  there  was  but  one  really  popular,  a  war 
with  Germany,  as  answering  the  political  traditions  of  France.  In 
case  of  victory,  it  would  be  considered  by  the  nation  as  an  answer 
received  to  the  queries  of  Leipsic,  Waterloo,  and  Koniggratz,  accom 
panied  by  the  Rhenish  provinces,  so  ardently  and  persistently  coveted, 
as  a  pledge  of  the  sincerity  of  future  friendship. 

But  be  it  understood,  in  case  of  victory  only,  that  the  very  attempt 
of  making  victory  a  condition  was  not  only  hazardous  in  the  extreme, 
but  fatal  to  himself  and  dynasty  in  case  of  defeat;  while  of  course  by 
dictating  peace  from  Berlin,  his  power  Avould  become  indestructible 
from  that  day,  as  far  as  the  arbitrary  rule  of  a  monarch  can  find  sub 
missive  supporters  in  oppression.  Delay,  however,  was  out  of  the 
question,  because  of  the  imminent  danger  of  his  position,  denying  the 
difficulty  and  nature  of  available  means  to  avert  it. 

The  idea  of  going  to  war  with  Germany,  so  daring  in  itself,  became 
preposterous  when  it  was  considered  that  France  was  not  at  all  pre 
pared  for  it.  The  genius  of  Napoleon,  correctly  estimating  the  press 
ure  of  time,  therefore,  abstained  for  the  present  from  this  mode  of 
procedure,  and  adopted  first  the  peaceable  way — not,  however,  losing 
sight  of  the  dilemma  wherein  he  might  be  placed  of  risking  at  any 
time  his  fortune  by  war,  for  which  untoward  neceessity  he  never 
nagged  of  preparing  with  consummate  precision.  His  resolution  now 
was  taken;  votes  were  cast,  he  standing  well  in  the  eyes  of  the  world 
as  the  elect  of  the  French  people — thanks  to  the  clergy,  the  prefects  and 
the  maires.  Still  it  was  not  enough.  A  liberty-loving  people  require 
proofs,  not  words.  Concessions  they  wanted,  and  concessions  Napo 
leon  now  made .  To  the  astonishment  of  France  it  was  a  new  Consti 
tution,  well  framed,  which  he  gave,  at  the  same  time  with  a  majority 
in  the  House  devoted  to  himself  which  would  secure  for  him,  at  all 
times,  personal  control  of  all  important  decisions  generally. 

In  spite  of  these  apparent  successes,  France  was  observed  to  be  still 
in  a  ferment,  the  cause  being  that  during  the  plebiscitum  many  had 
voted  aye  upon  condition  that  no  war  should  be  declared;  but  then 
again — and  what  constituted  more  than  his  misgivings — the  army,  the 
main  pillar  of  the  Napoleonic  Empire,  to  the  figure  of  43,000  strong — 
just  about  one  in  ten — had  voted  nay. 

In  the  French  Senate  there  was  next  observed  a  very  obstinate  and 
energetic  minority  rising  to  awake  stormy  debates,  proving  to  Napo 
leon  still  more  demonstratively  the  waning  of  his  power,  notwith 
standing  his  success  at  the  elections'. 

Several  years  had  so  elapsed,  during  which  the  greatest  activity 
was  displayed  and  persevered  in  to  procure  the  necessary  material  for 


13 


war.  The  preparations  were  upon  such  a  gigantic  scale  that  all  the 
world  might  have  guessed  correctly  who  was  meant  by  it,  leaving 
nothing  doubtful  but  the  moment  of  time  for  the  outbreak  of  war.  Na 
poleon  therefore  decided  upon  war  with  Prussia  and  Germany,  but 
endeavoring  first  to  attain  to  the  same  object  by  diplomatic  means.  The 
object  of  course  remained  the  Rhenish  Provinces  and  the  annexation 
of  Belgium  ;  and  as  the  genius  of  Napoleon  is  well  known  to  befit 
him  more  conspicuously  for  diplomacy  than  the  battle-field,  he  tried  to 
effect  the  object  by  diplomacy.  It  was  as  early  as  1862,  during  the 
Mexican  expedition,  that  he  made  the  first  attempt  of  absorbing  Bel 
gium  and  adjusting  the  Ehenish  frontier  with  the  assistance  of 
Prussia,  consulting  Count  Bismark  anterior  to  the  Count's  acceptance 
of  the  portfolio  of  Prime  Minister  of  Prussia.  This  defined  to  the  world 
the  position  of  France  in  the  German-Danish  war  in  favor  of  the  allies. 
But  when  the  Treaty  of  Gastein,  between  Austria  and  Prussia,  was 
signed,  he  immediately  changed  his  tactics,  showing  a  marked  un 
friendliness  towards  the  latter  country,  accountable  for  only  on  the  fear 
that  a  too  intimate  friendship  between  Austria  and  Prussia  would 
deprive  him  of  the  fruits  of  his  diplomacy  in  the  German-Danish  war. 

About  the  same  time  Bismark  gave  Napoleon,  at  St.  Cloud,  a 
general  outline  of  his  views  upon  Germany,  while  Napoleon  responded 
with  his  views  upon  Belgium,  without  further  comment  on  either  part 
upon  the  feasibility  of  the  execution  of  these  plans.  The  silence  of 
Count  Bismark  on  this  occasion,  Napoleon  interpreted  in  favor  of  his 
plans,  having  expected  that  the  war  between  Austria  and  Prussia 
would  be  fought  in  1865,  and  instantly  approached  Prussia  with 
friendly  overtures  upon  the  rupture  between  Austria  and  Prussia 
becoming  imminent— availing  himself  of  the  presence  of  Prince  Napo- 
leoii  in  Berlin,  as  well  as  other  confidential  agents,  to  propose  various 
schemes  for  enlarging  their  respective  boundaries.  In  one  case  it  was 
Luxembourg!!;  in  another,  the  boundary  of  1814,  together  with  Lan- 
dou  and  Sar-Louis  ;  then  again,  touching  larger  objects — for  instance, 
the  territory  of  the  French-speaking  Swiss  or  the  boundaiy  of  Pied 
mont  to  be  adjusted  according  to  the  language  most  prevalent  among 
the  people. 

All  this  occurred  previous  to  the  war  between  Austria  and  Prussia 
in  1866,  and  in  May  of  that  year  the  proposals  assumed  the  shape  of 
an  offensive  and  defensive  alliance,  of  which  Count  Bismark  made 
mention  in  his  circular  of  the  29th  of  July,  1870,  the  Count  stating  that: 

Firstly— In  case  of  a  Congress,  it  should  be  unanimously  declared 
that  Venetia  be  ceded  to  Italy,  and  the  Duchies  of  the  Elbe  to  Prussia. 

Second— Should  these  cessions  hot  be  realized,  then  an  offensive 
and  defensive  alliance. 


14 

Third — The  King  of  Prussia  would  commence  hostilities  within 
ten  days  from  the  adjournment  of  Congress. 

Fourth — Should  Congress  not  at  all  assemble,  Prussia  to  take  the 
field  thirty  days  after  the  signatures  to  the  agreement  in  question  had 
been  exchanged. 

Fifth — The  Emperor  of  the  French  to  declare  war  to  Austria  as 
soon  as  hostilities  between  Austria  and  Prussia  should  have  com 
menced;  to  take  the  field  in  thirty  days,  with  300,000  men. 

Sixth — No  separate  peace  with  Austria  should  be  made. 

Seventh — Peace  to  be  concluded  upon  the  following  conditions: 
Venetia  to  Italy;  the  German  terrritories  mentioned,  footing  up  about 
seven  to  eight  millions  of  population,  upon  choice,  to  Prussia;  besides 
Federal  reform  in  the  Prussian  sense  of  view.  To  France,  the  terri 
tory  between  the  Moselle  and  the  Rhine,  with  a  population  of  500,000, 
without  the  strong  fortresses  of  Coblentz  and  Mayence;  the  section  of 
Bavaria  upon  the  left  bank  of  the  Rhine  ;  the  cities  of  Birkenfield, 
Homburg  and  Darmstadt,  with  a  total  population  of  213,000. 

Eighth — After  the  signatures  to  this  treaty  be  obtained,  a  military 
convention  would  be  agreed  upon  between  France  and  Prussia. 

Ninth — The  King  of  Italy  should  be  a  party  to  the  convention. 

The  number  of  troops  with  which  the  Emperor  of  the  French 
should  assist  the  King  of  Prussia,  according  to  Article  V,  was  men 
tioned  at  300,000  men,  and  the  population  to  be  acquired  by  France 
1,800,000,  according  to  a  somewhat  superficial  census. 

Here,  adds  Count  Bismark,  every  one  more  specially  acquainted 
with  the  diplomacy  and  military  history  of  the  year  1866,  may  fathom 
the  political  intentions  which  France  had  in  regard  to  Italy,  with 
which  it  likewise  secretly  treated,  and  later  acted  upon  with  both 
Prussia  and  Italy.  Prussia,  however,  firmly  declining,  in  June,  1866, 
the  alliance  above  mentioned,  notwithstanding  its  threatening  pressure 
on  the  part  of  France  on  several  occasions,  the  French  Government 
had  now  to  rely  upon  victory  of  the  Austrians  over  the  Prussians  and 
what  diplomatic  advantages  they  might  secure  to  themselves  from 
such  a  defeat.  That  the  proposed  Congress  would  have  had  the  effect 
of  allowing  the  three  months  time  to  elapse  without  affording  Prussia 
the  chance  of  making  use  of  the  treaty  which  existed  betweii  Prussia 
and  Italy,  is  well  known ;  likewise  how  France  was  active  in.  regard  to 
Custozza,  to  jeapardize  Prussia's  interests.  The  anything  but  enviable 
position  of  the  French  Minister  of  State,  M.  Rouher,  serves  as  a  com 
mentary  to  these  transactions. 

From  that  day  France  never  ceased  to  allure  Prussia  with  projects 
detrimental  to  Germany  and  Belgium.  The  impossibility  of  consent 
of  the  Count  of  Bismark  to  these  schemes  was  obvious  ;  yet  in  the 
interest  of  peace,  by  acceding  to  nothing,  even  verbally,  the  Count 


15 

suffered  the  French  statesmen  to  enjoy  their  illusions  delightfully,  and 
during  as  much  time  as  possible,  considering  that  a  deprivation  of 
their  hopes  by  way  of  an  abrupt  astonishment  would  endanger  the 
peace  of  not  only  Germany  but  Europe,  which  to  cherish  was  the 
decided  advantage  of  all. 

The  Count  was  not  of  opinion  to  prevent  a  war  with  France, 
because  it  being  inevitable  ;  he  counted  upon  Providence  as  unveiling 
the  future,  and  was  right.  Even  victory  he  considered  an  evil,  as 
viewed  from  the  high  principle  of  civilization.  He  could  not  but 
calculate  upon  the  possibility  of  radical  changes  in  France  and  in 
French  politics,  which  might  altogether  do  away  with  the  threatening 
aspect  of  war  between  Germany  and  France — a  hope,  indeed,  well 
worthy  his  silence. 

Alter  the  end  of  the  correspondence  with  the  King  of  the  Nether 
lands  in  regard  to  Luxembourg,  France  repealed  her  proposals  to 
Prussia  in  regard  to  Belgium  and  Southern  Germany.  During  that 
conjuncture,  the  Benedetti  manuscript  was  transmitted.  That  the 
French  Ambassador  should  have  committed  himself,  and,  without 
authorization  from  his  sovereign,  should  himself  have  made  proposals, 
placing  them  in  the  Count's  hands,  conferring  with  him  repeatedly, 
modifying  the  meaning  of  the  writing,  is  as  improbable  and  unlikely 
as  on  another  occasion  it  was  stated  that  the  Emperor  Napoleon 
never  consented  to  the  fortress  of  Mayence  being  ceded,  which  demand 
was  officially  made  to  Prussia  through  the  French  Ambassador  in 
August,  186G,  with  threats  of  war  if  refused. 

The  various  phases  of  French  dislike  and  war  delights  which  hap 
pened  from  1866  to  1869,  very  nearly  coincide  with  the  signs  of  incli 
nation  and  disinclination  for  it  which  the  French  agents  thought  the 
Count  had  inadventently  at  times  betrayed  to  them. 

In  March,  1868,  at  the  time  of  the  Belgian  Kailway  trouble,  Count 
Bismark  states  he  was  given  to  understand  by  a  person  of  high  rank, 
undoubtedly  acquainted  with  former  negotiations  in  regard  to  this  diffi 
culty  that,  in  case  the  French  should  occupy  Belgium — "Nous  trouver- 
ions  bicji  noire  Bdgique  aitteurs."  In  a  similar  manner,  011  former 
occasions,  the  Count  was  induced  to  consider  that  France,  in  a  settle 
ment  of  the  Oriental  question,  could  not  absorb  her  share  in  the  far 
Orient,  but  on  the  frontier. 

The  Count  had  the  impression  that  nothing  but  a  sure  conviction 
that  success  with  Prussia,  to  get  at  more  territory,  was  impossible, 
would  induce  Napoleon  to  try  his  best  to  prevent  Prussia  having  any 
success  of  the  sort. 

The  Count  had  every  reason  to  believe  that,  had  this  question  not 
been  made  public,  France  would  have  to  offer  proposals  to  us  after 
knowing  we  were  ready  for  war,  to  advance  upon  Europe  with  a  mil- 


16 

lion  of  men,  and  carry,  by  force  of  arms,  the  proposals  previously 
made,  viz  :  to  make  peace  either  before  or  after  the  first  battle,  entirely 
at  the  expense  of  Belgium,  according  to  Benedetti's  proposals. 

In  regard  to  these  proposals,  the  manuscript  which  we  have  posses 
sion  of  was  the  handwriting  of  Count  Benedetti's,  upon  paper  of 
the  Imperial  French  Embassy,  and  recognized  as  such  by  the  various 
Embassadors  and  Charge  d' Affairs  of  Austria,  Great  Britain,  Russia, 
Baden,  Bavaria,  Belgium,  Hesse,  Italy,  Saxony,  Turkey  and  Wurten- 
berg. 

In  Article  I,  Count  Benedetti,  during  the  first  reading,  passed  the 
last  sentence — putting  it  in  parenthesis — after  the  Count  had  told  him 
that  it  meant  an  interference  of  France  into  the  internal  affairs  of 
Germany  which  he,  the  Count,  could  not  submit  to  even  in  documents 
held  private  and  in  his  keeping.  Of  his  own  accord  he  altered  in  Arti 
cle  II,  on  the  margin,  some  sentence  of  less  consequence.  Lord  Aug. 
Loftus  had  verbally  been  made  aware  of  the  existence  of  this  docu 
ment  on  the  24th  inst,  and  as  the  noble  Lord  doubted  it,  invited  him 
to  inspect  it  himself.  This  he  did  on  the  27th,  and  was  convinced  that 
it  was  in  the  handwriting  of  his  former  French  colleague. 

That  the  Imperial  Cabinet  to-day  denies  these  overtures,  which 
since  1814  it  accompanied  with  alternating  promises  and  threats,  in 
order  to  hurry  us  into  submission,  is  quite  explainable  as  matters  now 
stand. 

This  remarkable  document  from  the  manuscript  of    the  treaty  to 
which  Signer  B.  refers  in  his  dispatch,  reads  as  follows: 

H.  M.,  the  King  of  Prussia,  and  H.  M.,  the  Emperor  of  the 
French,  considering  it  useful  to  strengthen  still  more  the  bonds  of 
friendship  which  now  happily  exist  between  them  and  their  respective 
nations  as  neighbors,  and,  on  the  other  hand,  convinced  that  they  are 
dutifully  obliged  to  satisfactorily  settle  questions  in  regard  to  the 
future  of  both  nations,  upon  the  result  of  which  rests  the  peace  of  the 
world,  have  for  this  purpose  concluded  to  propose  the  following  treaty, 
having  appointed  as  their  respective  representatives,  H.  M.,  etc.; 
H.  M.,  etc.;  who,  after  having  exchanged  their  credentials  and  found 
them  correct,  have  agreed  upon  the  following  articles: 

AETICLE  I.  H.  M.,  the  Emperor  of  the  French,  admits  and 
acknowledges  the  acquisitions  made  by  Prussia  in  her  late  war  with 
Austria  and  the  allies  of  Austria,  as  well  as  submits  to  the  steps  taken 
already,  and  to  be  taken,  by  Prussia,  for  the  formation  of  a  North 
German  Union,  and  obligates  himself  at  the  same  time  to  assist  in 
maintaining  it. 

ARTICLE  II.     H.  M. ,  the  King  of  Prussia,  promises  to  facilitate  the 
acquisition  of  Luxumbourg  by  France;  to  which  end  H.  M.  shall  con- 


17 

fer  with  H.  M.,  the  King  of  the  Netherlands,  in  order  to  induce  that 
sovereign  to  cede  to  the  Emperor  of  the  French  his  rights  to  the 
Dukedom  for  a  fair  compensation  or  in  some  other  way,  the  Emperor 
of  the  French  paying  all  costs  and  charges. 

ARTICLE  III.  H.  M.,  the  Emperor  of  the  French  shall  not  oppose 
a  federal  union  of  North  Germany  with  the  States  of  the  South, 
Austria  excepted,  which  Confederacy  should  have  a  Parliament,  but 
so  formed  that  the  sovereign  rights  of  the  clivers  States  should  be 
respected. 

ARTICLE  IV.  In  case  circumstances  should  arise  which  shall  induce 
H.  M. ,  the  Emperor  of  the  French,  to  cross  with  his  army  the  frontier 
of  Belgium,  for  the  purpose  of  conquest  of  that  country,  the  King  of 
Prussia  shall  assist  France  with  troops  and  with  all  his  might,  by  land 
and  by  sea,  against  any  other  nation  which  should  declare  war  to 
France  on  that  account. 

ARTICLE  V.  For  the  purpose  of  a  perfect  execution  of  the  aforesaid 
designs,  H.  M.,  the  King  of  Prussia,  and  H.  M.,  the  Emperor  of 
the  French,  by  this  agreement  form  an  offensive  and  defensive  alliance 
between  themselves,  which  to  respect  they  solemnly  pledge  them 
selves;  added  to  which  their  Majesties  consider  this  alliance  valid  on 
all  other  occasions  on  which  the  integrity  of  either  country  might  be 
jeopardized  by  a  foreign  foe,  then  to  arm  forthwith,  being  actuated 
by  no  scruples,  admissible  of  no  excuse  for  evading  the  alliance. 

Annexed  is  given  a  letter  of  Count  Benedetti  to  Count  Bismark, 
with  the  manuscript  of  the  treaty,  as  both  were  received  from  the 
hands  of  the  French  Ambassador. 

The  letter  reads  as  follows,  as  published  at  the  time  in  the  Staats 
Anzeiger : 

MY  DEAR  PRESIDENT  :  In  reply  to  the  communication  which  I  trans 
mitted  from  Nikolsburg  to  Paris,  in  consequence  of  our  conversation 
on  the  26th  ultimo.,  I  have  received  from  Vichy  the  plan  for  a  secret 
convention,  of  which  I  beg  to  send  you  the  inclosed  copy.  I  hasten 
to  acquaint  you  with  it,  that  you  may  digest  it  at  your  leisure.  I  am 
at  your  service  in  talking  the  matter  over  with  you  at  any  Jbime  you 
shall  desire  it.  BENEDETTI. 

SUNDAY,  August  5,  186G. 

The  manuscript  of  the  plan  for  this  treaty  reads  as  follows: 

ARTICLE  I.  The  French  Empire  again  accedes  to  the  lands  which 
formed  in  1814  the  boundaries  of  France,  and  which  to-day  belong  to 
Prussia. 


18 

ARTICLE  II.  Prussia  pledges  herself  to  obtain  those  lands  which 
are  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Khine  and  belong  to  the  King  of  Bavaria 
and  the  Grand  Duke  of  Hesse,  upon  compensation  to  them  for  the 
same,  and  to  cede  possession  of  those  lands  to  France. 

ARTICLE  III.  Those  dispositions  which  connect  with  the  German 
Union  such  lands  as  are  standing  under  the  sovereignty  of  the  King 
of  Holland  are  canceled;  likewise  those  which  refer,  to  such  right  to 
lands  within  the  fortress  of  Luxembourg. 

In  consequence  of  this  note  an  official  interview  took  place  between 
the  Count  of  Bismark  and  the  French  Ambassador,  in  which  the  latter 
insisted  upon  his  demands  being  complied  with,  which  had  been  pro 
jected  by  him,  and  threatened  Prussia  with  war  if  refused.  Notwith 
standing  this,  the  Chancellor  respectfully  declined ;  upon  which  the 
demand  upon  Luxembourg  was  made,  which  likewise  did  not  succeed; 
upon  which,  again,  the  more  important  demand  upon  Belgium  was 
made,  which  formed  the  contents  of  Count  Bismark's  explanatory  dis 
patch  of  July  29th,  originally  framed  by  Count  Benedetti,  and  pub 
lished  in  the  Times. 

All  these  diplomatic  versions  demonstrate  clearly  that  State  and 
personal  motives  were  blended  by  France  into  that  traditional  policy 
which  Louis  XIV  originated,  and  which  ever  since  the  great  French 
Revolution  was  rigorously  adhered  to. 

This  tradition  comprises  points  which  no  Government  in  France  has 
ever  slighted  or  lost  sight  of. 

Firstly — The  Rhine  is  the  natural  boundary  of  France. 

Secondly France  is  destined  and  therefore  justified  and  obliged  to 

be  the  leading  power  in  Europe,  and  has  to  judge  by  arbitration  in  all 
political  matters  disturbing  the  peace  of  Europe,  and  considers  itself 
duty  bound  to  prevent  other  powers  from  doing  anything  without 
her  will.  This  the  French  elaborately  conceive  and  euphemistically 
and  charmingly  express  by  saying:  "  France  marches  at  the  head 
of  civilization." 

Thirdly  and  finally— As  an  united  Germany  would  not  only  en 
danger,  but  cancel  these  rights,  and  affect  the  dignity  and  the  interests 
of  Frarfce  \  in  other  words,  the  two  points  first  mentioned,  it  must 
never  be  allowed  to  unite.  Every  attempt  at  this  dangerous  union 
must  instantly  be  stifled,  destroyed,  and  Germany  kept  down  at  all 
hazards. 

Shortly  before  hostilities  commenced,  the  Moniteur  expressed  it  ex 
actly  so  :  France  merely  intends  keeping  Europe  in  its  normal  con 
dition  and  bring  it  back  to  its  equilibrium,  and  is  of  opinion  that  a 
disunited  Germany  signifies  an  absolute  division  there  in  permanancy; 


19 

in  which  state  of  severed  strength  and  consequent  weakness  of  the 
Germans,  as  a  nation,  they,  the  French,  have  nothing  to  apprehend, 
and  which  opinion  is  even  so  yet  to  a  far  greater  extent:  they  are 
wrong,  because  in  preventing  the  consolidation  of  the  German  union, 
for  political  reasons  of  their  own,  they  injure  the  German  people, 
morally  and  materially  disabling  them  from  abolishing  every  remnant 
of  feudalism,  through  not  allowing  them  the  necessary  peace  of  Europe 
to  succeed  in  it. 

If,  therefore,  the  German  nation  at  large  had  not  at  this  juncture 
found  itself  providentially  blessed  with  a  Bismarck,  whose  patriotism 
and  unfathomable  genius  took  hold  of  the  matter  correctly,  frustrating 
both  their  designs — -the  motive  for  the  prevention  of  the  German 
union,  as  well  as  the  motive  for  the  war,  by  conferring  with  the  pres 
ent  Emperor  of  Germany,  to  apply  the  efficient  strength  which  his 
great  genius  knew  existed  in  the  military  and  their  leaders,  a  worse 
misery  might  have  been  entailed  upon  the  German  people  than  is  now 
lamented  by  the  French,  for  reasons  of  the  above  named  particularism, 
aggravated  by  the  consequences  of  conquest,  in  which  the  uncontroll 
able  fury  of  the  Kabyles  figures  among  the  undefensive. 

But  not  only  to  the  Count  Bismarck,  but  to  the  Emperor  of  Ger 
many  is  the  German  nation  forever  indebted,  who,  as  a  sovereign,  thus 
nobly  appreciated  the  Count,  enabling  him  to  give  full  vent  to  and  ex 
ercise  his  genius  and  allowing  him  to  use  his  discretion  in  the  above 
two  matters — he  knowing  full  well  what  such  a  consolidation  of  Ger 
many  would  eventually  lead  to,  in  times  of  undoubted  national  strength 
and  general  enlightenment,  beyond  the  present  temporary  absorption 
of  the  attention  of  the  people  by  the  war. 

Returning  from  this  digression  to  the  balance  of  power  in  Europe, 
as  viewed  by  the  French  nation,  from  their  political  tradition  and  ver 
sion,  it  rests  upon  the  validity  and  instrumentality  of  these  aforesaid 
three  points  being  maintained  and  adhered  to.  These  formed,  there 
fore,  the  nominal  reasons  advanced  by  Napoleon  and  his  ministers  for 
the  legitimacy  and  necessity  of  the  war  about  to  commence. 

How  the  Emperor  of  the  Fi:ench  and  his  ministers  managed  and 
succeeded  in  making  this  war  sufficiently  popular  in  France  so  as  to  be 
sanctioned  by  the  people  and  undertaken,  is  best  seen  from  a  protocol  of 
Count  Bismark's,  which  he  produced  during  the  twenty-sixth  sitting  of 
the  federal  council,  and  which  was  laid  before  the  German  Parliament 
on  the  20th  July.  In  which  protocol  the  Count  says  :  "  The  events 
which  during  the  last  fortnight  have  transpired,  disturbing  the  peace 
of  Europe,  plunging  it  into  war,  are  so  well  known,  that  but  a  re 
capitulation  of  facts  is  necessary  to  clearly  define  and  comprehend  the 
state  of  affairs  at  this  moment. 

' '  Aware  of  the  communication  which  the  President  of  the  Spanish 


20 

Ministerial  Council  made  to  the  Cortes  on  the  llth  of  last  month,  like 
wise  of  the  circular  dispatch  of  the  Spanish  Minister  of  Foreign  Af 
fairs,  of  the  7th  inst. ,  published  in  the  newspapers,  and  of  the  explanation 
which  Sefior  Salazar  had  on  the  8th  inst.  printed  in  the  Mazaredo  of 
Madrid,  explanatory  of  the  Spanish  Government  having  for  months  past 
negotiated  with  Prince  Leopold  of  Hohenzollern  for  the  acceptance 
of  the  crown  of  Spain,  that  these  negotiations  were  directly  made  with 
the  Prince  and  his  father,  through  the  medium  of  Sefior  Salazar,  with 
out  participation  and  interference  of  any  foreign  government ;  and, 
furthermore,  that  it  is  known  that  finally  the  Prince  decided  upon  ac 
ceptance  of  the  proffered  crown.  His  Majesty  the  King  of  Prussia, 
upon  being  made  acquainted  with  this  decision,  concluded  to  let  it  pass, 
the  Prince  being  of  age  could  do  as  he  liked,  the  more  readily  so  as 
the  Prince's  father  had  given  his  consent  to  his  son.  Neither  the  For 
eign  Office  of  the  North  German  Union  nor  the  Government  of  the 
King  of  Prussia  knew  anything  at  all  about  it.  They  first  heard  of  it 
through  the  telegram  of  the  Paris  Havas,  of  the  third  evening,  reporting 
that  the  Spanish  Government  had  decided  upon  offering  the  crown  of 
Spain  to  Prince  Leopold.  On  the  4th  the  French  Charge  D' Affairs 
presented  himself  at  the  Foreign  Office.  By  order  of  his  government 
he  was  pained  to  state  that  this  news  had  been  very  ill  received  at 
Paris,  authenticated,  as  it  had  proved  to  be,  by  Marshal  Prim,  and 
asked  whether  Prussia  was  a  party  to  it.  Upon  which  the  Secretary  of, 
State  told  him  that  it  was  no  affair  concerning  the  Prussian  Govern 
ment,  nor  Prussia  in  a  position  of  explaining  negotiations  which  might 
have  been  made  by  or  were  pending  between  the  President  of  the 
Spanish  Cortes  and  Prince  Leopold. 

"  On  the  same  day  the  Charge  D' Affairs  of  the  North  German  Union 
at  Paris  had  an  interview  with  the  Duke  of  Grammont,  relative  to  the 
same  subject,  and  in  presence  of  Minister  Olivier/' 


21 

It  becomes  here  necessary  to  throw  into  high  relief  the  moral  and 
praiseworthy  grounds  and  motives,  upon  which  stands  the  executive 
of  the  Spanish  nation  before  the  world,  wrhen,  seeing  the  republic 
as  yet  impossible,  the  consequence  of  a  criminal  neglect  of  free 
schools,  it  conferred  upon  a  Prussian  Prince  the  alternative  of  the 
honor  to  accept  the  government  over  the  people,  the  so-called  crown 
of  Spain,  as  the  best  known  guarantee  to  the  Spanish  nation  for  the 
time  being  of  a  peaceable  future  and  probably  great  national  advan 
tages.  Therefore  the  French  Government,  in  preventing  the  con 
summation  of  such  a  laudable  design,  by  allowing  political  reasons 
and  arbitrary  actions  to  sway  and  impede  the  most  noble  impulses  of 
civilization:  those  of  an  indirect  and  sympathetic  co-operation  with 
other  nations  besides  their  own  in  anxious  strides  towards  national 
prosperity  in  general — laid  bare  a  degree  of  officiousness  and  peevish 
ness  which  will  never  stand  the  paltry  excuse  for  self-preservation; 
on  the  contrary,  does  demonstrate  a  fund  of  jealousy  highly  compli 
mentary  to  Prussia,  especially  after  the  battle  of  Sadowa,  and  still 
more  so  by  the  remembrance  of  the  Prussian  Government  of  not  hav 
ing  remonstrated  with  France  at  the  time  when  one  of  the  French 
Princes  became  the  son-in-law  of  the  King  of  Italy  and  brother-in-law 
to  the  Queen  of  Portugal. 

Fortunately  for  FAirope,  with  its  many  warlike  nations  densely  peo 
pled  and  all  votaries  to  past  feudal  glories  of  strife — civilization  has 
comparatively  of  late  astoundingly  advanced  in  appliances  and  devel 
opments  of  arts  and  sciences  for  the  purpose  of  destroying  the  oppor 
tunity  that  war,  with  all  its  exploits  of  personal  bravery  in  self- 
defense,  is  affected  to  such  an  extent  as  to  reduce  that  virtue,  called 
personal  courage  to  a  mere  reliance  upon  skill  and  strategy  to  butcher 
in  bulk.  The  present  war,  of  but  seven  months'  duration,  proves 
that  a  climax  in  the  art  of  killing  has  about  been  reached,  and  by  it 
the  domineering  power  of  France  over  Europe  transferred  to  the 
cool  prowess,  practiced  scholarship,  and  compact  strength  of  Ger 
many.  Peace  thus  shielded  by  Germany,  is  now  sure  to  the  warlike 
millions  of  Europe.  Germany  will  henceforth  be  to  Europe  what  the 
Atlantic  is  to  America:  the  safeguard  against  aggression.  As  long  as 
monarchical  surveillance  shall  be  necessary  among  nations  unfit  to 
govern  themselves,  Germany  is  the  country  which  knows  how  to 
guard  peace  from  without  and  within.  It  will  stand  between  and 
pacify  Great  Britain  and  Russia.  Having  taken  the  place  of  France 
in  the  balance  of  power  in  Europe,  it  will  for  many  reasons  always 
be  listened  to  as  a  mediator.  Therein  successful,  Germany  is  synony 
mous  of  peace  —  it  is  the  guarantee  for  future  peace  to  Europe.  As 
to  tiny  other  cloud  arising  at  any  future  time  upon  the  political  hori 
zon  of  Europe,  it  will  give  but  weather  lightning! 


22 

Keturning  to  the  interview  which  the  Charge  d'Affaires  of  the  North 
German  Union  had  with  the  Duke  of  Grammont  relative  to  the  Span 
ish  crown  question,  and  in  presence  of  Minister  Ollivier,  it  is  stated 
that  the  French  Minister  of  State  was  011  that  occasion  likewise  cha 
grined  at  the  general  news.     Public  opinion,  he  averred,  would  pro 
nounce  against  it;  a  transaction  of  so  grave   an  importance  having 
been  held  so  profoundly  secret  by  both  Spain  and  Prussia,  and  now 
having  been  made  public,  it  could  not  possibly  be  otherwise  inferred 
but  that  France  had  been  intentionally  slighted.     The  main  point  at 
issue  being  indeed  the   most   immaterial  one,  whether  the  Prussian 
Government  were  at  all  initiated  into  the  affair  or  not,  considering 
the  magnitude  of  consequences  as   bound  to  issue  from  these  pro 
ceedings.     Should,  therefore,  the  event  really  take  place,  peace  would 
be    seriously   jeopardized.      It   therefore    were    highly    advisable    to 
appeal  to  the  wisdom  of  the  King  of  Prussia  to  withhold  his  approval 
of  said  combination,  now  that  he  was  aware  that  as  a  secret  it  could 
serve  no  longer.     The  French  Minister  then  considered  it  a  happy 
omen  that,  it  so  happened  tha,t,  Baron  Werther  being  about  to  set  out 
for  Ems,  could  report  to  the  king  the  irksome  effect  this  affair  had 
made  in  Paris,  at  the  same  time  enabling  Baron  Werther  of  telegraph 
ing  at  an   early  convenience  to  the  French  Minister  any  important 
decision  arrived  at  in  regard  to  and  of  a  pacific  nature  to  the  subject. 
Baron  Werther  left  Paris  on  the  fifth.     On  the  day  of  the  departure 
of   Count   Benedetti — Mr.    Cochery   brought   the    Spanish   question 
before  the  legislative  body,  but  already  the  day  after,  a  space  of  time 
far  too  brief  for   the  reception  of  any  return  news  from  Ems,  the 
Duke  of  Grarnmont  responded  to  the  interpellation  of  Mr.  Cochery. 
The  Duke's  answer,  of  course,  avowed  the  impossibility  of  knowing- 
particulars  in  regard  to  the  matter,  yet  he  declared  that  with  due 
regard  for  Spain  as  a  friendly  neighboring  nation ,  and  respect  for  her 
sovereign  right  as  to  her  conducting  State  affairs  unmolestedly  by  any 
other  nation,  he,  notwithstanding,  could  not  suffer  a  foreign  power  to 
interfere  by  placing  one  of  her  princes  upon  the  throne  of  Charles  V. 
The  consequences  would  be  not  only  detrimental  to  the  interests  of 
France,  but  would  disturb  the  balance  of  power  in  Europe.     Upon 
this  statement  having  become  public,  it  could  not  be  expected  of  the 
Charge  d'Affaires  of  the  North  German  Union,  who  intended  to  com 
municate  with  the  Duke,  that  he  should  transmit   to  him  any  dis 
patches  at  all.     Instead  of  which  he  informed  the  German  Embassy  at 
Paris  of  it  on  the  ninth,  and  exactly  alike  in   substance  to  what   the 
Prussian  Government  had  on  the  fourth  rendered  in  extent  of  informa 
tion  to  the  French  Charge  'd'Affaires  at  Berlin.     It  amounted  to  this, 
that  the  Spanish  throne  question  did  not  effect  the  political  relations 
between  Spain  and  Germany,  but  concerned  Spain  alone,  as  far  as 


23 

the  nature  of  the  candidature  for  her  throne  had  made  it  needful  for 
the  Government  of  that  country  to  go  outside  and  fill  it  there.  Thus, 
in  reality,  it  was  only  nominally  an  international  affair,  but  practically 
of  importance  only  to  none  but  the  candidate  himself.  It  was  further 
stated  that  Marshal  Prim  had  these  negotiations  privately  undertaken 
without  participation  by  the  Prussian  Government,  and  had  directly 
conferred  with  Prince  Leopold,  the  King  of  Prussia  not  having  been 
found  willing,  out  of  respect  for  the  will  of  the  Spanish  nation,  to 
influence  the  acceptance  of  the  offer  by  a  German  prince. 

In  the  meantime  the  French  Government  ordered  the  representative 
at  Berlin,  who  happened  to  be  on  furlough  at  Wildbad,  to  repair  to 
Ems.  On  the  ninth  the  King  of  Prussia  received  Count  Benedetti, 
although  the  circumstance  of  meeting  at  a  watering  place  implied  a 
desire  on  the  part  of  the  venerable  King  of  at  least  not  having  to  be  too 
lengthity  engaged  in  matters  of  State.  The  information  which  Count 
Benedetti  then  and  there  transmitted  to  the  King  of  Prussia  agreed 
with  what  the  Duke  of  Grammont  had  communicated  to  Baron  von 
Werther  upon  the  same  subject,  amounting  in  substance  to  an  appeal 
to  the  wisdom  of  the  King  not  to  sanction  the  acceptance  of  the  Span 
ish  crown  by  Prince  Leopold — a  decision  of  such  moment  in  the 
opinion  of  the  French  Government  that  it  would  be  enough  for 
Europe  to  thereby  regain  its  quietude.  Upon  which  the  Count  was 
diametrically  given  to  understand,  that  the  disquietude  existing  in 
Europe  had  not  been  created  by  Prussia,  nor  was  the  Prussian  Gov 
ernment  to  be  blamed  for  it,  but  might  at  once  be  successfully  traced 
into  the  inaccessible  altitude  of  the  legislative  body  of  France.  The 
troubles  which  the  Spanish  throne  question  had  thus  unnecessarily 
brought  about,  sprung  from  there.  The  volume  of  criticisms  which 
had  issued  forth  had,  in  its  rapid  course,  submerged  Europe,  and 
endangered  the  peace  of  the  world  by  its  torrent  of  tribulations  and 
anticipations  of  all  sorts  of  hallucinations,  and  predictions  of  disas 
trous  consequences,  His  (the  King's)  position  as  head  of  the  family 
of  Hohenzollern,  was  exclusively  and  naturally  one  of  a  domestic 
character,  admitting  of  no  control  over  the  sovereign  will  of  any  of 
its  members  in  regard  to  the  actions  of  a  prince.  As  to  affairs  of 
State,  those  stood  entirely  unconnected  with  matters  of  personal 
interest.  Neither  the  Prince  and  the  Prince's  father  had  by  him  been 
interfered  with,  nor  the  honor  of  the  acceptance  of  the  Crown  of 
Spain  by  Prince  Leopold  been  made  the  basis  for  private  speculation 
on  the  part  of  the  royal  house  of  Prussia. 

On  the  twelfth  instant  Prince  Leopold  declined  the  candidature. 
The  Prussian  Government  received  the  first  tidings  of  this  important 
step  from  Paris.  It  so  happened  that  Baron  von  Werther  having  left 
Ems  for  Paris  on  the  eleventh,  and  arriving  the  next  day,  was  present 


24 

at  an  interview  which  the  Spanish  Ambassador  there  had  with  the 
Duke  of  Grammont,  upon  which  occasion  the  telegram  had  been  pro 
duced  which  Prince  Leopold  had  sent,  transmitting  his  decision 
declining  the  honor.  Upon  another  occasion,  later  in  the  day,  the 
Duke  of  Grammont  remarked  to  Baron  von  Werther  that,  after  all, 
the  refusal  of  Prince  Leopold  was  but  of  accessory  consequence,  inas 
much  as  France  would  anyhow  not  have  permitted  the  Prince  to  ascend 
the  throne  of  Spain — at  the  same  time  laying  great  stress  upon  the 
slight  inventively  conceived  to  have  been  received  at  the  hands  of  the 
King  of  Prussia,  in  having  at  all  granted  to  the  Prince  the  alternative 
of  the  acceptance  of  so  important  an  offer  without  first  consulting 
France  in  regard  to  it.  However,  the  Duke  appeared  satisfied  with 
the  King  of  Prussia's  explanation  of  the  affair,  in  a  letter  to  Napoleon, 
having  said  that  in  granting  to  Prince  Leopold  the  alternative  of  the 
acceptance  of  the  Crown  of  Spain. he  had  not  been  of  opinion  that  the 
interests  and  dignity  of  France  would  thereby  be  necessarily  affected. 
Now  that  the  Prince  had  declined  of  his  own  free  will,  he  (the  King 
of  Prussia)  had,  of  course,  acquiesced  to  the  decision  of  the  Prince. 

The  day  following,  at  Ems,  Count  Benedetti,  upon  meeting  the 
King,  requested  a  confirmation  of  the  refusal  as  transmitted  by  the 
Prince,  and  an  assurance  besides  that,  at  no  future  time,  an  accept 
ance  of  this  candidature  by  a  German  prince  should  be  sanctioned  by 
the  King.  From  that  clay  Count  Benedetti  had  no  more  interviews 
with  the  King  of  Prussia. 

How  the  Government  of  France  could  seriously  view  the  acceptance 
of  the  Crown  of  Spain  by  a  German  prince  as  positively  dangerous  to 
France,  moreover  profess  it  as  an  affront  to  the  French  nation, 
is  inconceivable,  otherwise  than  as  a  pretext  for  finding  an  excuse  to 
declare  war,  and  for  no  other  earthly  purpose  than  to  dim  the  light 
of  a  rising  star.  All  these  subtilties  and  evasions  serve  as  an  evidence 
of  the  culpable  weakness  of  monarchial  governments,  in  which  the 
nation  is  debarred  by  law  from  energetically  interfering  and  uttering 
at  the  right  moment  its  powerful  voice  of  disapproval,  and  of  insisting 
upon  a  peaceable  settlement  through  the  instrumentality  of  law  and 
the  aid  of  diplomacy. 

In  the  United  States  of  America,  such  a  case  as  was  presented  to 
the  world  in  the  shape  of  the  preliminaries  to  this  war,  would  be 
everywhere  ridiculed.  May  be  that  boast  is  quite  natural—the  whole 
world  could  not  invade  America.  The  idea  of  succeeding  in  misling 
a  whole  nation  to  shoulder  arms  within,  so  to  say,  a  day  or 
two,  betrays  an  ignorance  on  the  part  of  all  of  the  knowledge  of 
common  occurrences  of  the  day,  which  stamps  the  daily  press  of 
France — the  tutor  of  the  million — as  most  deplorably  deficient.  The 
most  plausible  reason  for  a  war  against  a  large  foe  in  Europe,  when 


25 

by  somebody  advanced  in  Great  Britain,  is  never  listened  to  by  the 
nation  until  the  Orkney  Islands  know  as  much  about  the  legitimacy 
of  the  impossibility  to  avoid  it  as  the  Prime  Minister  himself.  But 
England  is  in  this  respect  altogether  republican  ;  it  differs  but  in 
name  ;  her  monarchs  are  but  hereditary  presidents,  drawing  heavy 
salaries,  though. — As  it  is  undoubted  that  the  King  of  Prussia  was 
unofficially  made  acquainted  with  the  negotiations  pending  betwreen 
the  Government  of  Spain  and  Prince  Leopold  ;  it  enjoined  upon  him 
the  condition  of  privacy  when  he  heard  of  it.  It  being  a-  foreign 
secret,  officially  affecting  neither  Prussia  nor  the  North  German 
Union,  its  non-publicity  by  the  King  to  the  German  nation  at  large 
was  decided  upon  as  wise  and  proper.  At  the  same  time  the  King  of 
Prussia  found  it  equally  correct  in  the  Spanish  Government  that  it 
should  pursue  its  deliberations  in  search  of  a  suitable  candidate  for 
the  Spanish  throne,  without  hesitancy  and  compunction  as  to  where 
it  should  be  pleased  so  to  do,  and  the  more  independently,  as  the  poli 
tical  position  of  Spain  towards  France  invited  this  step,  and  in  con 
sideration,  likewise,  of  certain  personal  amenities  existing  between 
Napoleon  and  the  Southern  branch  of  the  House  of  Hohenzollern. 
As  to  the  interests  a  Napoleonic  dynasty  could  profess  to  have  in  a 
Spanish  national  question,  it  confined  itself  to  a  vigilant  guard  against 
the  dreaded  spread  of  republicanism  or  the  organization  of  an  Orleans 
dynasty  in  a  neighboring  country  ;  but  to  view  a  secret  correspond 
ence  regarding  the  honor  of  the  acceptance  of  the  Spanish  Crown  by 
a  German  prince  in  the  light  of  an  intended  affront  by  Prussia  to  the 
French  nation,  was,  indeed,  as  significant  of  personal  ambition  as  it 
was  venturesome.  Indeed  it  was  too  obvious  that  such  rigor  covered 
the  existence  of  an  ulterior  design  hostile  to  the  German  nation, 
as  being  not  merely  unwarrantable  but  altogether  foreign  to  the  inci 
dent.  If  otherwise,  all  the  French  Government  had  to  do  in  order  to 
ward  off  the  troublesome  coincidence,  was  to  have  addressed  the  King 
of  Prussia  in  a  familiarly  handsome  manner  upon  the  subject,  pending 
a  satisfactory  settlement  in  a  diplomatic  way,  instead  of  which  the 
Napoleonic  Government  unhesitatingly  rented  the  peace  of  Europe, 
by  the  Duke  of  Gammont,  in  the  legislative  body  of  Paris,  violently 
calling  the  nation  to  war.  To  declare  it,  and  upon  so  frivolous  a  pre 
text  as  that  of  humbling  the  German  nation,  was,  therefore,  extremely 
impolitic  and  full  of  surmises,  especially  when  dispassionately  consid 
ered  that  the  science  of  destroying  human  lives  by  tens  of  thousands 
has  reached  its  culminating  climax  to  perfection,  in  producing  woe 
and  misery  to  an  unanswerable  extent,  and  must  end  in  victory 
of  republicanism  over  all  moriarchial  governments  extant.  A  sensible 
proceeding,  if  for  no  other  purpose  truly  than  of  making  peace  inter- 


26 

nationally  and  lawfully  respected  and  abided  in  hereafter,  viewing  it 
as  the  first  necessity  of  civilization. 

In  order  to  S3rstematically  arrange  all  the  causes  which  have  led  to 
this  memorable  war,  it  is  now  necessary  to  produce  the  note  which 
Senor  Sagasta,  Spanish  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs,  transmitted  to  the 
various  Spanish  Ambassadors  abroad,  announcing  the  decision  of  the 
Spanish  Government  to  offer  the  crown  of  Spain  to  Prince  Leopold. 
It  is  worded  as  follows  : 

* '  Your  Excellency  have  on  previous  occasions  been  made  acquainted 
11  with  the  important  explanations  which  were  transmitted  to  the  Cor- 
"  tez  on  June  the  llth,  by  the  President  of  the  Cabinet.  In  confessing 
"  that  the  steps  taken  to  find  a  suitable  candidate -for  the  throne  of 
"  Spain  had  been  unsuccessful,  he  announced  that  he  had  received 
"full  power  to  continue  his  search  to  the  best  of  his  ability.  He 
' '  had  at  first  received  this  authorization  from  the  Provisional  Goverii- 
"  ment,  then  from  the  Executive  Committee,  and  at  last  from  the  Re 
gency. 

1 '  Fortified  with  such  power,  Marshal  Prim  recommenced  his  diffi- 
"  cult  mission  in  a  discreet  and  secret  manner,  anticipating  success, 
"  and  hoping  to  give  satisfaction  to  the  nation  at  large.  I  have  now 
"  the  gratification  of  communicating  to  you,  by  order  of  the  Spanish 
"  Government,  that  at  a  Cabinet  meeting  held  at  La  Granja,  on  the 
"  fourth,  and  presided  over  by  the  Regent,  Prince  Leopold  of  Hohen- 
"  zollern  Sigmaringen  has  been  chosen  and  accepted  as  candidate  for 
"  the  throne  of  Spain.  Public  opinion  having  pronounced  in  favor 
"  of  this  Prince,  the  Government  of  Spain  is  hopeful  that  its  candi- 
"  date  will  be  joyously  heralded  by  a  large  majority  in  the  Cortes  as 
"  King  of  Spain.  The  Provisional  Government  which  began  in  1868 
"  shall  then  close, 

"  Yesterday,  as  soon  as  it  was  possible  to  break  silence,  as  until  now 
"  demanded  by  discretion,  I  telegraphed  to  you  the  decision  arrived 
"  at  by  the  Government,  which  should  best  meet  the  approval  of  the 
"  Cortes,  strictly  mindful  of  the  general  constitutional  law  of  the  land, 
"  as  well  as  of  the  rules  which  appertain  to  the  choice  of  kings.  In 
"  requesting  of  you  to  announce  this  event  to  the  Government  to 
"  which  you  are  accredited,  I  alluded  to  its  real  and  political  im- 
"  portance  and  significancy  as  unconnected  with  international  affairs, 
"  notwithstanding  the  great  influence  which  it  necessarily  must  exer- 
"  cise  upon  and  disclose  to  the  Spanish  nation  in  future. 

"  The  extraordinary  situation  of  the  nation,  as  created  by  the  Sep- 
"  tember  revolution,  had  been  well  maintained  by  the  Provisional 
"  Government  until  the  day  when  the  Cortes  decided  upon  monarchy. 
"  From  that  day,  however,  the  Provisional  Government  became  a 
1 '  danger,  because  the  wishes  of  the  Spanish  people  as  containing 


27 

"  their  preference  had  not  then  been  realized  by  facts.  Should, 
"  therefore,  the  Government  not  find  means  and  ways  of  realizing  this 
"  idea,  her  enemies  would  speedily  gain  ground  and  harass  it  by 
"  unreasonable  expectations  of  every  sort.  But  these  difficulties  have 
"  been  obviated,  thanks  to  the  efforts  made  by  the  majority  of  the 
"people,  and  by  the  Government — a  rare  occurrence,  indeed,  in  any 
"  civilized  nation  of  having  been  able,  under  similarly  trying  circum- 
"  stances,  to  maintain  peace  over  two  years.  At  last  public  opinion 
"  at  home  and  abroad  loudly  demanded  a  radical  change. 

"  In  the  interior  of  Spain  the  desire  to  crown  the  work  of  the  revo 
lution  became  great,  while  in  foreign  countries,  befriended  with 
"  Spain,  the  same  wishes  were  expressed.  The  world  required  a 
"  guarantee  for  a  permanent  peace,  as  your  Excellency  has  had  fre- 
"  quent  opportunities  of  ascertaining. 

"  This  very  success  of  which  I  have  made  mention  affords  the 
"  Spanish  Government  to-day  an  opportunity  of  communicating 
"  through  your  Excellency  to  the  Government  of  *  *  *,  and 
"  which  gratifying  news  I  doubt  not  will  be  cordially  received.  Both 
"  countries,  indeed,  reciprocate  a  feeling  of  sincere  friendship,  ani- 
"  mated  by  expectations  and  wishes  for  its  permanent  continuancy. 
"  The  present  Government  of  Spain  has  always  exerted  itself  in  its 
"  foreign  relations  to  merit  public  opinion,  and  benefit  the  Spanish 


o 

"nation. 


"  Should  Prince  Leopold  be  chosen  to  ascend  the  throne  of  Spain, 
"  upon  the  vote  of  the  Cortes,  as  alone  invested  by  the  people  with 
"  sovereign  power  to  decide  upon  a  prince's  choice,  and  declare  him 
"  King,  then  shall  he  represent  a  constitution  the  most  democratically 
"  liberal  of  any  ever  possessed  of  by  us  or  by  any  other  nation  so  and 
"  similarly  governed.  Although  he  is  a  foreigner,  about  to  occupy 
"  the  highest  position  in  the  gift  of  the  nation,  his  Government  will 
* '  have  less  difficulty  in  obeying  public  opinion  than  might  be  inferred 
"  from  the  strange  fact  of  he  being  a  foreigner.  From  the  day  he 
"  does  ascend  the  throne  of  San  Fernando  he  shall  be  considered  a 
"  Spaniard,  and  in  a  truly  Spanish  manner  shall  he  continue  to 
"  strengthen  the  great  achievements  of  the  September  revolution. 
"  His  energies  shall  be  principally  directed  towards  a  complete  regen- 
"  eracy  of  the  nation  in  her  internal  organization  in  all  national 
"  points  of  view,  while  externally  he  shall  observe  the  strictest  neu- 
"  trali tv  in  all  international  relationships,  and  shall  thus  be  enabled 
"  to  devote  all  his  studious  efforts  to  the  advancement  of  the  moral 
"  and  material  interests  of  the  country,  in  order  that  through  him  the 
"  object  may  be  attained  of  making  Spain  prosper.  In  this  sense  it  is 
' '  justifiable  that  the  Government  of  the  Regent,  free  to  direct  its 
"  steps  according  to  discretion,  has  acted  in  this  matter  upon  its  own 


28 

"  responsibility,  and  addressed  Prince  Leopold  directly,  nor  reflected 
"  an  instant  upon  it  being  honorable  to  avoid  every  influence  from  a 
' '  foreign  Cabinet.  I  beg  leave  to  direct  your  Excellency's  special 
c '  attention  to  this  point,  as  much  depends  upon  it  being  reliably 
' '  known  that  the  Government  of  the  Regent  has  acted  upon  its  own  discretion 
"  in  furthering  this  plan,  and  so  that  it  maybe  thoroughly  understood 
"  that  no  national  interest  abroad,  far  less  a  foreign  interest,  has  actu- 
"  ated  the  Government  in  pursuance  of  these  negotiations. 

"Nothing  but  the  desire  to  grant  the  wishes  of  the  nation,  and  to 
"  fulfill  the  mission  which  the  Regent  and  the  Cabinet  Ministers  had 
"  delineated,  has  prompted  him  to  address  a  prince  duly  of  age,  and 
"  related  to  most  of  the  reigning  families  in  Europe,  at  the  same  time 
1 '  standing  in  110  direct  lineage  of  becoming  the  recipient  of  a  special 
"  crown,  therefore  free  to  accept  and  to  become  the  possessor  of  the 
"  one  of  Spain;  a  point  of  importance  to  the  Spanish  nation,  that  it 
' '  might  at  all  times  feel  secure  against  hostilities  from  foreign  powers 
"  upon  dynastical  ground. 

"  Thus  the  candidature  of  the  Prince  of  Hohenzollern  Signiaringen 
"  interferes  in  no  wise  with  the  friendly  relations  which  Spain  enjoys 
"  reciprocatedly  abroad,  nor  can  and  should  affect  the  interests  of 
"  other  reigning  families  as  dynastically  allied.  As  your  Excellency 
' '  is  now  assured  of  the  intentions  which  animated  the  Government  to 
"  decide  upon  this  candidature,  which  shall  be  duly  laid  before  the 
lt  Cortes  for  acceptance,  your  Excellency  will  be  able  to  act  in  con- 
"  formity  with  the  motives  which  have  led  to  these  intentions  and 
"  ultimate  actions  whenever  an  opportunity  should  present  itself  of 
"  explaining  this  event  at  the  court  to  which  you  are  accredited.  I 
"  hold  myself  before  hand  convinced  that  your  Excellency  will  zeal- 
"  ously  convey  the  exact  meaning  of  the  purposes  in  view  which  have 
"  instigated  the  actions  of  the  Government  of  his  Highness. 

"  Please  read  this  dispatch  to  the  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs,  and 
"  then  hand  him  a  written  copy.  May  God  preserve  your  Excellency 
"  many  years. 

(Signed)  "  PKAKEDES  M.  SAGASTA. 

"MADRID,  7th  July,  1870." 

Upon  this  document  now  follows  the  answer  which  the  Duke  of 
Grammont  gave,  July  Oth,  in  the  legislative  body  at  Paris,  upon  the 
interpellation  of  Mr.  Cochery  : 

The  Duke  replied  that  "  Marshal  Prim  had  offered  the  Crown  of 
"  Spain  to  the  Prince  of  Hohenzollern,  and  that  the  Prince  had 
1 '  accepted  the  same.  The  Spanish  people,  however,  had  not  expressed 
"  themselves  upon  that  point.  The  French  Government  was  not 
"  acquainted  with  the  respective  negotiations,  and  he  (the  Duke) 


29 

"  thought  best  of  adjourning  the  discussion  upon  this  topic  as  alto- 
"  gether  deficient  in  particulars  in  order  to  correctly  judge  in  the 
' '  matter.  The  Government  would  continue  its  neutrality,  but  would 
"  not  suffer  a  foreign  power  in  placing  one  of  her  princes  upon  the 
"  throne  of  Spain,  and  thus  trespass  upon  the  honor  and  dignity  of 
"  France.  The  French  Government  had  confidence  in  the  wisdom  of 
"  the  German,  and  the  friendship  of  the  Spanish  people.  Should  it  be 
"  disappointed,  it  would  know  its  duty  without  delay  and  weakness." 

This  speech  was  much  applauded  by  the  majority  in  the  House,  and 
commented  upon,  on  the  fifteenth  of  July,  by  Mr.  Ollivier,  viz.  : 

"  The  mode  and  manner  in  which  you  have  received  the  explana- 
"  tions  as  rendered  on  the  sixth  of  July,  assures  us  positively  that 
"  you  sanction  our  policy,  and  that  we  could  be  sure  of  your  assist- 
"  ance  in  case  of  emergency.  We,  hereupon,  entered  into  negotia- 
"  tions  with  foreign  powers,  inviting  them  as  mediators  for  the  purpose 
"  of  convincing  Prussia  of  the  legitimacy  of  our  complaints.  We 
"  have  not  required  anything  from  Spain;  the  sensitiveness  of  her 
"people  we  had  no  desire  to  evoke.  We  have  not  negotiated  with 
"  the  Prince  of  Hohenzollern,  because  we  considered  that  Prince 
"  under  the  tutillage  of  the  King  of  Prussia.  We  have  abstained 
(t  from  commingling  complaints  over  other  matters  with  this  particu- 
"  lar  affair.  The  majority  of  foreign  powers  approve  more  or  less  of 
"  the  justice  of  our  complaint ! 

The  Prime  Minister  of  Prussia  has  responded  that  he  ' c  knew  nothing 
"  of  this  affair,  nor  would  the  Cabinet  of  Berlin  become  cognizant  of 
"  it.  We  then  addressed  the  King.  The  King  avowing  that  he 
"  had  authorized  the  Prince  of  Hohenzollern  to  use  his  own  judgment 
"  in  accepting  the  Crown  of  Spain,  declared  that  he  was  not  acquainted 
"  with  the  particulars  of  the  negotiations  as  pending  between  the 
"  Prince  of  Hohenzollern  and  Spain,  he  having  acted  in  this  mat- 
"  ter  as  head  of  the  family,  and  not  as  Sovereign.  The  King  of 
"  Prussia,  moreover,  has  mentioned  that  this  affair  had  by  him  been 
* '  turned  over  to  Count  Bismarck.  We  could  not  accept  this  answer 
"  as  satisfactory ;  we  could  not  admit  such  delicate  distinctions  be- 
"  tween  '  head  of  a  family'  and  'head  of  a  nation/  In  the  meantime 
"  we  received  from  the  Spanish  Ambassador  the  news  of  the  refusal 
"  of  the  Prince  of  Hohenzollern.  It  came  unexpectedly,  and  from  a 
"  direction  which  we  had  not  anticipated.  This  happened  on  the 
"  twelfth  of  July,  while  our  correspondence  was  going  on  with 
"  Prussia. 

"We  insisted  that  the  King  should  second  the  refusal  ;  that  he 
"  should  pledge  himself  not  to  give  his  sanction  of  the  acceptance  of 
"  the  Crown  of  Spain  by  a  prince  of  Hohenzollern,  should  it  at  any 
"  future  time  be  again  offered.  Our  demand  was  in  itself  moderate, 


30 

"  and  couched  in  an  equally  decorous  language.  We  then  wrote  to 
"  Benedetti  he  might  reiterate  that  we  kept  nothing  under  disguise, 
"  nor  were  searching  for  pretexts.  The  King  refusing  to  grant  this 
"  demand,  told  Count  Benedetti  that  in  this  matter  he  preferred 
"  keeping  his  own  counsel,  as  well  as  on  all  similar  occasions,  as  cir- 
<(  cumstances  might  arise  which  demanded  full  liberty  of  thought  and 
"  action  on  his  part. 

"Notwithstanding,  and  out  of  sheer  love  of  peace,  we  did  not 
"break  off  negotiation.  In  proportion  to  our  forbearance,  was  our 
' '  surprise  great,  when  we  heard  yesterday  that  the  King  had  officially 
"refused  an  audience  of  Benedetti  which  news  had  come  over 
"  from  the  Prussian  Government.  At  the  same  time,  we  received  in- 
"  formation  that  the  Prussian  Ambassador,  von  Werther,  had  been 
"  recalled,  and  that  Prussia  was  arming.  Under  such  circumstances 
"  it  would  have  been  remiss,  undignified,  and  forgetful  of  duty,  on 
"  our  part,  not  to  have  made  preparation  for  war.  We  have  pre- 
"  pared  ourselves  to  accept  the  challenge,  leaving  everybody  his  due 
"  part  to  enact,  and  responsibility  to  answer  for;  we  have  since  yester- 
"  day  called  in  the  reserves  and  taken  measures  for  the  protection 
"  of  the  interests,  the  security,  and  the  honor  of  France." 

The  conduct  of  Count  Benedetti  is  best  seen  from  the  lucid  de 
scription  of  the  occurrence,  and  enables  history  to  infer  who  really 
was  the  aggrieved  party. 

Count  Benedetti  solicited  on  the  9th  of  July,  in  Ems,  an  audience 
of  the  King  of  Prussia,  which  was  immediately  granted.  During 
this  interview  Count  Benedetti  demanded  that  the  King  should  com 
mand  the  Prince  of  Hohenzollern  to  withdraw  his  acceptance  of  the 
Spanish  crown.  The  King  replied  that  as  far  as  this  affair  had  devel 
oped  itself,  he  having  been  applied  to  as  head  of  the  family,  and  not 
as  King,  he  had  not  commanded  the  Prince1  to  accept  the  candidature 
for  the  Spanish  throne,  nor  could  he  now  command  the  Prince  to 
withdraw  from  the  same.  On  the  llth  following,  Count  Benedetti 
requested  and  was  granted,  a  second  audience,  during  which,  he 
rather  pressed  compliance  with  his  demands.  The  King  replied  that 
the  Prince  being  of  age,  knew  himself  what  course  to  pursue  without 
his,  the  King's,  interference.  Besides,  he  knew  not  even  the  where 
abouts  of  the  Prince  at  present,  as  he  had  been  known  of  late  to  travel 
among  the  Alps.  , 

On  the  13th,  on  the  Esplanade  at  Ems,  the  King  handed  Count 
Benedetti  an  extra  from  the  Cologne  Gazette,  just  received,  containing 
a  telegram  from  Sigmaringen,  in  which  the  Prince,  upon  his  own  free 
will,  refused  acceptance  of  the  Crown  of  Spain,  and  mentioned  to  the 
Count,  at  the  same  time,  that  not  even  he  himself  had  received  a 
communication  on  the  subject  from  the  Prince,  although,  of  course, 


\  B  R  A  R  y 

OF  THF 

31    I  UNTV 

.  ?* 

due  during  the  day.     Count  Benedetti  hereupon  replied  that  he  had 

known  it  already,  the  night  previously,  direct  from  Paris.  The  King 
now  thought  the  matter  satisfactorily  settled.  To  his  astonishment, 
Count  Benedetti  demanded  of  the  King  that  he  should  distinctly  de 
clare  himself  unwilling,  at  any  future  time,  to  grant  a  similar  permis 
sion.  This  the  King  flatly  refused,  and  remained  firm,  although 
again  and  again  importuned  upon  the  same  subject.  Now  Count 
Benedetti  requested  a  third  audience.  Upon  being  asked  by  an  aid- 
de-camp  what  he  had  of  so  much  importance  to  communicate,  he 
answered  that  he  wished  to  have  the  honor  of  conversing  upon  the 
same  topic  as  in  the  morning.  The  King  refused  the  audience,  send 
ing  him  word  that  he  had  no  other  answer  to  give,  and  referred  the 
Count  to  the  Government  at  Berlin  for  further  views  upon  the  sub 
ject.  Count  Benedetti,  wishing  to  leave  Ems,  expressed  a  desire  to 
pay  a  last  visit  to  the  King,  which  was  granted,  the  King  receiving 
him  at  the  railway  station,  before  the  train  started  for  Coblenz. 

From  this  minute  description  of  the  manner  of  Count  Benedetti,  in 
this  affair,  it  might  be  inferred  that  he  acted  under  instructions  from  the 
French  Government,  disguising  two  set  purposes:  the  one,  to  either 
compromise  the  King  in  the  eyes  of  all  Germany  and  Europe,  should 
he  have  acceded  to  their  demands  ;  or,  the  other,  the  more  likely, 
upon  refusal  of  their  compromising  demands,  incense  the  King  of 
Prussia  to  such  a  degree  that  the  French  Government  might  therefrom 
weave  the  textile  fabric  of  a  casus  belli. 

That  there  was  a  way  of  guarding  dignity  and  right,  and  maintain 
both  without  having  resort  to  war,  appears  to  have  been  of  unfath 
omable  depth  in  the  minds  of  French  statesmen,  or  maybe,  that  they 
considered  such  a  possibility  too  unreal.  Compared  with  them,  how 
different  the  noble  and  dignified  bearing  of  King  William  in  this 
matter;  that  military,  so  amiable  as  a  gentleman,  not  merely  baffled 
the  vileness  of  the  snare  laid  for  him  to  entrap  himself  in,  but  made 
it  serve  him  in  convincing  the  entire  German  nation  that  the  intent  of 
the  insult  received,  was  not  for  himself,  but  for  the  German  Union. 
When  it  became  known  how  he  had  resented  that  imputation,  then 
the  whole  nation  applauded  him,  and  threw  back  with  terrible  vigor 
the  attempt  at  disturbing  the  peace  of  Europe  upon  frivolous  pretexts. 
From  the  manner  in  which  the  Duke  of  Grammont  had  answered  the 
interpellation  of  Mr.  Cochery,  and  Count  Benedetti  conducted  his  mis 
sion,  there  could  be  no  further  doubt  as  to  their  intention  of  forcing 
a  war.  The  peevish  manner  in  which  the  Duke  of  Grammont  had 
received  the  news  of  the  refusal  of  the  Prince  of  Hohenzollern,  cor 
roborated  it  to  a  certainty.  Another  proof  may  be  found  in  the  fol 
lowing  expose  of  Monsieur  Ollivier: 

The  Duke  of  Grammont  having  declared  in  a  conversation  he  had 


32 

6 

with  Lord  Lyons,  the  English  Ambassador  at  Paris,  that  the  refusal 
of  the  Prince  Hohenzollern  would  smooth  matters  entirety  in  regard 
to  the  Spanish  question — the  London  Cabinet  at  once  endeavored  to 
bring  about  a  verity  of  the  settlement.  When  subsequently  the  de 
sired  non-acceptance  had  been  obtained,  instead  of  expressing  him 
self  satisfied,  he  declared  to  the  English  Embassador  that  it  was  very 
perplexing.  On  the  one  side  public  opinion  was  so  aghast  that  he 
doubted  very  much  that  the  Government  could  maintain  itself  beyond 
the  morrow,  if  he  should  say  the  affair  was  satisfactorily  settled, 
unless  more  satisfaction  could  be  obtained  from  Prussia  and  produced. 
The  very  refusal  of  the  Prince  should  here  have  ended  the  origin  of 
the  dispute,  and  settled  the  affair  de  facto;  instead  of  which,  the  pro 
gramme  of  war  was  completely  rehearsed  by  France. 

As  to  Spain,  it  could  no  longer  be  drawn  into  the  quarrel  should  it 
come  to  war,  as  France  and  Prussia  now  only  were  concerned.  The 
English  Ambassador  remonstrating  with  the  Duke,  the  latter  evasively 
said,  that  everything  depended  now  upon  the  conclusion  to  be  arrived 
at  to-morrow,  the  13th  of  July,  at  a  Cabinet  meeting,  presided  over 
by  the  Emperor,  and  which  decision  would  at  once  be  handed  over  to 
the  Legislative  body,  and  he  be  unable  to  communicate  to  him.  It 
appears,  however,  that  in  the  sitting  referred  to,  no  resolutions  were 
arrived  at,  for  the  Duke  of  Grammont  had  to  announce  to  the  Legis 
lative  body:  "  that  the  negotiations  which  we  continue  with  Prussia, 
"  and  which  at  no  time  embraced  another  point,  have  not,  as  yet, 
"been  concluded." 

To  the  Ambassador  of  the  North  German  Union,  Baron  von 
Werther,  the  Duke  of  Grammont  unburdened  himself,  on  the  12th  of 
July,  without  restraint.  The  refusal  of  the  Prince  of  Hohenzollern 
he  considered,  as  before  stated,  of  very  little  importance,  inasmuch 
as  the  French  Government  would  have  anyhow  prevented  his  ascen 
sion  to  the  throne  of  Spain;  it  was  the  secret  manner  in  which  it  had 
been  done,  which  had  vexed  him,  and  he  feared  would  create  an  ill 
feeling  between  the  two  nations.  Moreover,  he  actually  demanded 
a  letter  from  the  King  apologizing  to  the  Emperor;  proposed  contents; 
in  short,  became  so  ludicrous,  and  at  the  same  time  autocratic,  as  to 
make  one  think  that  he  had  suddenly  transplanted  himself  into  the 
days  of  Louis  XIV.  The  expose  of  Minister  Ollivier  on  the  15th  of 
July,  the  day  on  which  the  French  declared  war  against  Germany, 
was  no  less  peremptory.  Introducing  the  subject,  he  said:  "We 
((  have  not  required  anything  of  Spain,  nor  are  willing  to  touch  the  sen- 
"  sibilities  of  the  Spanish  nation.  Then  in  regard  to  the  permission 
"  given  by  King  William  to  the  frincc  to  use  his  own  judgment  in  ac- 
"  cepting  the  crown,  and  to  the  demand  made  by  France  to  withdraw 
"that  permission,  he  said:  "We  could  not  receive  the  answer  as 


33 

"  satisfactory,  it  being  too  subtle  a  distinction  for  us  to  acquiesce 
"  to  father  of  the  family  and  father  of  the  nation,"  which  plainly 
proves,  inasmuch  as  the  distinction  between  one  and  the  other  is  not  at 
all  subtle,  or  could  not  be  readily  acquiesced  to,  that  Napoleon 
wanted  war  at  all  hazards. 

Throwing  all  the  blame  for  the  war  upon  Prussia,  because  the  King 
had  not  received  Benedetti,  that  "the  Prussian  Ambassador  had  been 
"  recalled,  and  Prussia  was  arming,"  Ollivier  wound  up  by  saying : 
"  We  are  prepared  to  accept  the  war  which  is  offered  to  us."  Upon 
which  the  Germans  answered  the  French  as  did  the  Komans  the  Car- 
thagenians  :  "You  will  have  war — well,  war  you  shall  have  !" 

3 


PART  THE   SECOND. 

NAPOLEON'S    C  A  L  C  U  L  A  T  IONS, 


AND  THE 

OIF 


When  Napoleon  had  decided  upon  war  against  Prussia  and  its 
probable  allies,  four  years  had  elapsed  during  which  time  he  had 
prepared  for  it.  He  had  minutely  weighed  his  resources  and  those 
of  his  antagonists,  considered  and  reconsidered  the  alliances  which 
might  possibly  be  his  ;  in  short,  thought  of  having  omitted  nothing 
which  might  debar  him  of  success. 

In  the  first  instance  he  counted  upon  the  enthusiastic  and  excitable 
nature  of  the  French  people.  He  thought  the  very  chance  offered  to 
regain  the  so-called  '  c  natural  "  boundary  of  France  should  add  new 
glory  and  new  honors  to  the  "great  nation"  of  Europe,  wipe  out 
the  blots  of  Leipzig,  Waterloo  and  Sadowa,  and  secure  still  more  last 
ingly  the  ambition  of  France  to  be  the  guardian  of  Europe;  all  these 
points  he  thought  would  silence  the  various  factions  in  the  country, 
inimical  to,  and  endangering  his  dynasty,  and  would  bring  back  to 
him  the  army  in  admiration  and  devotion,  without  which,  he  well 
knew  he  could  not  guard  his  throne  against  the  republicans. 

In  this  he  was  mistaken.  The  France  of  1870  was  not  the  France 
in  the  sense  of  the  first  Napoleonic  empire,  the  less  so  as  he  had  not 
the  power  the  first  Napoleon  wielded,  which,  however,  was  necessary 
to  convince  all  parties  of  the  intelligence  of  his  grand  idea,  and  of 
the  justice  of  the  cause,  for  which  the  war  should  be  fought  and  lives 
and  property  risked  and  staked.  Instead  of  which,  factions  in 
creased,  stormy  debates  in  the  Legislative  body  became  frequent,  the 
demand  arose  for  him  to  abdicate,  without  desire,  "in  favor  of  his 
son,"  as  the  latter  was  not  even  mentioned.  Of  course  this  demand 
originated  with  the  Eepublicans,  but  the  Orleaiii^ts  were  equally  de 
monstrative,  although  silent  upon  their  aim.  This  in  their  stead  did 
the  Empress  Eugenie,  who  openly  said  that  Napoleon's  fall  would  in 
stall  the  Orleans.  From  the  ranks  of  the  army  it  was  occasionally 


35 

predicted  that  even  the  outbreak  of  war  would  not  better  Napoleon's 
position.  A  French  officer,  later  in  captivity,  said  to  a  German: 
11  Oh,  you  and  your  army  know  well  what  you  fight  for;  you  go  to 
"war  to  carry  out  a  fixed  idea;  but  we  fight  to  gratify  the  whims  and 
"caprices  of  two  ladies.  He  meant  the  Empress  Eugenie  and  the 
"  Ex-Queen  Isabella  of  Spain." 

The  second  consideration  of  Napoleon  comprised  the  dissensions 
which  jealousy  created  among  the  many  German  sovereigns  and  vari 
ous  political  factions.  He  had  assiduously  exerted  himself  to  find 
out  the  exact  truth  in  regard  to  it,  which  has  become  well  known 
through  the  French  Embassy  at  Stuttgart  in  Wurtemberg,  which 
propounded  41  questions  on  the  subject,  as  follows,  which'  proves 
his  Napoleonic  designs: 

1.  How  were  the  parties  situated  in  Wurtemberg  previously  to  the 
war  of  1866  ? 

2.  What  changes  have  the  events  of  1866  produced  in  these  parties. 

3.  How  strong  is  the  Democratic  party;  how  strong  the  Catholic; 
how  strong  the  Prussian  or  Union;  how  strong  the  Anti-Prussian  or 
Conservative  party  ? 

4.  Yv^hich  is  their  modus  operandi  of  gaining  strength  ?     Who  are 
the  leaders  among  these  parties,  who  are  the  most  influential  persons  ? 
What  newspapers  have  they  got  ? 

5.  Which  party  has  gained  the  most  popularity  and  has  the  best 
auspices  jt'or  future  success  ? 

6.  What  are  the  views  of  the  various  classes  of  society? 

7.  Is  the  dynasty  popular  ?     Has  it  a  party  of    its  own?     Would 
these  risk  everything  to  defend  it  ? 

8  Are  there  any  political  events  of  note  which  have  transpired 
since  1866  ? 

9.  What  are  their  principle  laws,  duly  passed  by  both  Houses  ? 

10.  How  do  the  parties  in  the  first  House  confront  each  other  since 
the  war  ?    How  in  the  second  House  ? 

11.  What  effect  has  the  new  army' organization  had  upon  the  peo 
ple  ?     What  the  duty  011  tobacco  ?  on  salt  ?   and  what  views  in  regard 
to  the  loan  ? 

12.  How  do  the  people  like  the  new  law  of  election?   and  how  do 
they  regard  universal  suffrage  ? 

13.  What  will  be  the  effect  of  it  in  future  ? 

14.  What  is  the  opinion  of  the  people  in  regard  to  the  organization 
of  the  army  ?   and  in  how  far  has  it  been  successful  ? 

15.  What  is  the  situation  of    Wurtemberg  in  point  of  advance  in 
industry  and  commerce  ? 

16.  What   effect   have   the   late   events  had   upon  commerce  and 
industry  ? 


36 

17.  Has  general  prosperity  increased  ? 

18.  What  is  the  amount  of   the  annual  value  of  their  exports  at 
present  ?   and  of  their  imports  ? 

19.  What  effect  have  the  events  of  1866  had  on  'Change  ? 

20.  The  most  important  event  of  the  last  two  years  is  the  tariff  dis 
cussion.     What  do  the  people  think  and  say  of  it  ?     Do  they  predict 
for  it  a  future  ? 

21 .  What  is  the  cause  of  the  defeat  of   the  Prussian  party  during 
the  tariff  elections  ? 

22.  Why  did  they  not  succeed  in  a  Southern  German  Union  ? 

23.  What  creates  the  jealousy  among  the  Southern  German  States  ? 
(divise  ?) 

24.  Are  the  material  interests  of  the  South  such  as  to  be  hazarded 
by  a  formation  of  a  Southern  Union  ? 

25.  Are  the  general  interests  of  the  South  identically  those  of  the 
North  ?     Can  these  at  all  be  separated?     What  are  these  interests  ? 

26.  Are  there  not  affiliations  of  reciprocated  interests  between  South 
Germany  and  Austria. 

27.  Could  it  not  be  made  at  all  possible  to  create  a  vast  commerce 
between  the  East  and  the  West  :   between  South  Germany  and  the 
countries  bordering  on  the  Adriatic  ? 

28.  What  is  the  Prussian  policy  in  regard  to  the  Southern  German 
States  ? 

29.  Has  it  abandoned  the  idea  of  the  Union  of  Germany  ? 

30.  Why  does  Austria  not    try  to   regain  its  influence  in  South 
Germany  ? 

31.  What  policy  does  the  present  Government  in  Wurteinberg  pur 
sue  ?   What  is  its  position  towards  the  other  parties  ?    Towards  Prus 
sia  ?   towards  Austria  ? 

32.  Does  it  regret  the  alliance,  offensive  and  defensive,  with  Prussia  ? 

33.  In  case  of  war  would  Wurtemberg  be  an  ally  of  Prussia  ? 

34.  In  case  of   war  with  Prussia  would  France  find  allies  in  the 
South  of  Germany  ? 

35.  Is  the  devotion  of  the  Wurtemberg  army  great? 

36.  Why  does  the  Wurtemberg  Government  persist  in  prussianiz- 
ing  (prussiaiiiser)  her  army  still  more  ? 

37.  Does  the  Government  seek  entrance  into  the  North  German 
Union  ? 

38.  What  are  the  political   views  and  general  tendencies  of  the 
principle  members  of  the  Cabinet  ? 

39.  What  political  influence  does  Queen  Olga  enjoy  ? 

40.  Does  Russia  befriend  and  assist  Wurtemberg  ? 

41.  As  matters  now  stand,  can  this  state  of  affairs  last?     Does  it 
lead  to  some  non-chimerical  predictions  in  future  ? 


37 

Upon  these  forty-one  and  other  similar  queries,  the  respective 
French  charge  d'affaires,  must  have  answered,  more  or  less,  suitable 
to  the  plans  of  the  Parisian  Cabinet.  With  how  great  a  certainty  the 
French  Government  counted  upon  the  alliance  of  the  South  German 
States  with  France,  in  case  of  war  with  Prussia,  and  upon  what  mo 
tives  it  thought  the  various  South  German  Governments  would  be 
thereto  prompted,  may  be  partially  seen  from  the  ebullition  of  temper 
which  Count  Moosburg,  French  charge  d'affaires  atCarlsruhe,  Baden, 
gave  vent  to,  in  a  fit  of  diplomatic  indiscretion,  when,  hearing  of  a  decla- 
atioii  of  war  by  Bavaria  to  France,  he  finally  ejaculated  : 
"  cannot  understand  it  :— The  Emperor  Napoleon  meant  it  well  with 
"  the  King  of  Bavaria,  and  intended  to  assist  him  in  enlarging  the 
"  boundaries  of  his  Kingdom."  This  episode  shows,  more  than  any 
thing,  the  want  of  penetration  on  the  part  of  the  French  agents  in 
correctly  fathoming  public  opinion,  and  the  advanced  and  enlightened 
patriotism  of  Germany,  as  it  had  of  late  matured:  mainly  owing  to 
free  and  good  public  schools,  and  the  influence  every  where  in  Europe, 
and  especially  in.  Germany,  from  the  United  States  of  America,  as 
the  model  of  nations,  in  which,  above  all  other  proofs  of  civilization, 
the  National  Union  is  sacredly  revered  and  defended  by  the  people  as 
an  imperishable  bulwark  of  solid  and  invulnerable  strength. 

Entirely  owing  to  incorrect  views  upon  progress  in  Germany,  the 
French  Cabinet  was  lulled  into  the  belief  that  the  same  animosity  ex 
isted  among  the  German  Princes,  which  facilitated  the  military  achiev- 
ments  of  the  First  Napoleon  there,  and,  consequently  now  would  those 
of  Napoleon  III.     The   Parisians,  far  too  exclusive  citizens,  seldom 
going  outside  of  beautiful  France,  nor  the  reminiscences  of  her  past 
glory,  thought  little  of   Germany  from  1813  up  to  1848;   somewhat 
more  since  1864  and  1866,  until  now,  when  enlightenment  upon  the 
general  progress  of  the  world  forces  itself  upon  them  in  rather  an  ec- 
lataiit  manner.     Another  misguidance  was,  that  the  French  Govern 
ment  thought  the  newly  acquired  provinces  of  Prussia  maintained  still 
a  traditionally    barbarous  idolatry    of    discontent   and  envy  among 
themselves.    The  belief  originated   from  Hietzing,  where  it  was  taken 
for  granted  that  the  Hamioveriaiis,  the  Nassau  people,  the  Hessians, 
the  people  of    Schleswig-Holsteiii,  and  the  citizens  of  Frankfort-on- 
the-Maiii  would  hail  with  delight  the  victorious  French  armies,  and 
would   be  found  anxious   to  free    themselves  from  the    nick-named 
"Prussian    Yoke."      This    additionally   tended    to    encourage    the 
French  Government  in  expecting  success  without  adequate  efforts;  in 
short,  to  see  the  days  of  the  first  Empire  repeated,  culminating  in  the 
dictating  of  peace  at  and  from  Konigsberg,  and.  similar  hallucinations. 
Then  again,  Napoleon  III  relied  upon  Denmark  and  Austria  as  his 
allies  the  moment  war  should  be  declared.     He  considered  both  as 


38 

naturally  allied  to  his  cause,  as  they  were  hereditary  enemies  of  Prus 
sia,  falling  short,  however,  in  his  reckoning  by  not  reflecting  upon 
the  situation  in  which  both  Denmark  and  Austria  were  placed.  He 
anticipated  some  diversion  on  their  part,  advantageous  to  French 
arms,  but  never  anticipated  they  would  not  tight.  Denmark,  he 
thought,  might  have  ventured  it  by  risking  the  fortunes  of  war, 
although,  alone,  it  was  too  weak,  and  the  aid  which  France  could  so 
give,  confined  to  naval  attacks  only.  Neither  had  Sweden  an  interest 
in  so  doing;  by  becoming  an  ally  of  Denmark  in  a  war  with  Prussia 
setting  aside  the  probability  that  in  rotation  Russia  would  have 
attacked  Sweden. 

Both  Sweden,  as  well  as  Denmark,  were  therefore  forced  to  remain 
neutral,  unless  the  latter  had  been  indiscreet  enough  in  taking  a 
course  by  which  it  would  have  risked  its  very  existence. 

Of  Austria  it  was  supposed  an  alliance  with  France  might  be  ex 
pected;  but  the  internal  condition  of  that  country,  at  that  time,  kept 
a  strain  upon  its  ability  to  do  so.  Besides  the  Austrian  German  pro 
vinces  always  stand  by  Germany.  As  to  Hungary,  it  did  not  even 
listen  to  an  alliance,  as  Russia  might  have  found  a  pretext  for  uncere 
moniously  absorbing  Galicia.  Nor  had  Austria  recovered  from  the 
shock  of  1866  ;  her  army  was  not  prepared  to  front  an  antagonist, 
well  armed  and  but  lately  victorious  ;  her  treasury  was  likewise  not 
sufficiently  encouraging  to  undertake  a  war  against  Prussia  ;  and  as 
to  internal  dissensions  respecting  her  crown  lands,  those  were  con 
stant  and  alarming :  in  fact  have  gained  an  importance  that  the  pros 
perity  of  Austria  is,  through  them,  seriously  retarded,  and  its  free 
dom  of  action  paralized. 

From  these  remarks  it  may  be  seen  that  Louis  Napoleon  was  disap 
pointed  as  to  those  aforesaid  alliances.  No  less  was  he  in  error  in 
regard  to  the  two  great  powers  of  Eurppe — Great  Britain  and  Rus 
sia.  England,  he  thought,  might  become  his  ally  on  account  of 
Hanover ;  yet  it  was  not  so :  England  does  not  go  to  war  frivolously 
with  civilized  nations.  And  as  to  Russia,  the  Emperor  of  all  the 
Russias  answered  the  French  Embassador,  upon  being  asked  permis 
sion  to  transmit  the  Czar's  well  wishes  for  the  French  arms,  "  My 
wishes  for  France  go  by  way  of  Germany."  As  to  Italy,  it  remained 
neutral  because  the  people  were  found  unanimously  in  favor  of  Ger 
many,  while  the  Government  was  in  favor  of  France,  a  very  danger 
ous  devise,  indeed,  to  be  abruptly  disrespected.  Even  Turkey 
remained  neutral. 

Great  Britain  and  Russia,  the  two  leading  European  powers,  be 
sides  a  united  Germany  and  France,  were  found  disinclined  to  declare 
themselves  enemies  of  Germany. 


39 

Great  Britain  in  thus  regretting  the  still  existing  yet  tiresome  alli 
ance  with  France,  which  had  led  to  the  treaty  of  Paris  of  the  thirtieth 
of  March,  1856 — nothing  shorter  than  an  epitaph  upon  the  graves  of 
the  Scottish  Greys  at  Balaklawa,  and  others  then  and  there  uselessly 
slain — truly  the  bitter  cup  of  a  political  blunder  of  not  having  allied 
herself  at  the  time  with  modest  but  substantial  Prussia,  kindred  to  her 
in  race  and  religion,  instead  of  heterogenious,  vain-glorious  France, 
unnatural  to  her  feelings  and  traditions — the  sure  precursor  of  the 
natural  consequence  of  such  a  mistake  as  "the  thirteenth  of  March, 
1871,"  plainly  denominated  the  "  Pontus  boundary  question  ratified." 
By  whom?  Russia  and  Turkey,  and  Germany,  France,  Austria,  and 
Italy.  And  where  ?  In  London  !  as  it  should  have  been  done  already, 
in  1855,  peaceably,  instead  of  upon  the  Malakoff. 

This  great  power  remained  passive  during  this  terrible  war  of  1870. 
She  had  no  further  desire  to  uphold  a  dynasty  which  she  once  was 
most  vigorously  active  in  destroying,  and  regarded  as  forever  banished 
far  into  the  broad  bosom  of  the  Atlantic,  until  suddenly  and  com 
pletely  beguiled  by  Gallia.  England's  Pitt,  Fox,  Canning,  or  the 
later  Palmerston,  unfortunately  no  more,  pr»oud  Albion  was  weak, 
and  yielded  to  the  syren.  But  the  English  nation  soon  rued  its 
unheard  of  sentimentality  when  it  saw  arise,  right  opposite  Ports 
mouth,  another's — a  friend's — formidable  Cherbourg,  from  which  Na 
poleon  intended,  after  the  programme  of  having  conquered  Germany, 
to  invade  England.  So  she  thought  correctly — better  late  than 
never — and  stood  aloof.  Moreover,  the  shadow  of  old  Blucher,  and 
others  of  Waterloo  and  Blenheim  memory,  during  the  period  of  this 
war,  having  suddenly  reappeared  at  Sadowa  in  the  person  of  the 
greatest  strategist  of  this  century,  named  "  General  Moltke,"  and 
better  informed  by  her  own  child  than  France  was  through  Colonel 
Stoffel,  of  the  true  and  solid  growth  and  strength  of  Germany  in 
enlightenment  and  moral  courage,  she  felt  the  proper  sympathy  for 
Germany,  thought  of  sweet  home  of  old  England,  was  wise  and 
remained  there,  quietly  watching  her  daughter  and  a  little  foster 
ling  across  the  Channel,  to  Ostend.  In  spite  of  Earl  Granville's  igno 
ble  remark,  on  the  nineteenth  of  July,  that  the  French  would  visit 
Berlin  in  three  weeks,  the  once  staunch  allies  of  Prussia  at  Waterloo, 
the  British  nation,  repudiated  the  idea,  and  respectfully  begged  leave 
to  be  excused  from  believing  any  such  or  similar  nonsense.  The 
British  know  why  Prussia  has  to  be  a  military  nation — why  its  stern 
discipline.  The  interpellation  of  Disraeli's  premising  a  secret  under 
standing  between  Russia  and  Prussia,  as  having  existed  anterior  to  the 
war,  was  decidedly  spiritualistic,  and  too  infidel  altogether,  for  a  saga 
cious  and  powerful  nation  like  the  English  to  be  intimidated  by. 
Besides,  Great  Britain  had  internally  changed  very  much,  indeed, 


40 

since  her  unnatural  alliance  with  France,  which  has  served  Napoleon 
in  his  phantastic  designs  at  the  expense  of  British  lives  in  the  Crimean 
war,  and  England  nothing  whatever,  because,  neither  Suez  nor  even 
Constantinople  are  the  keys  to  India,  but  Aden  and  Massowah  only, 
which  it  is  not  likely  that  all  Europe  will  touch.  As  to  entering 
India  via  Persia,  although  feasible  at  various  points,  Persia  first  would 
have  to  be  conquered  by  Russia — too  remote  a  day  to  now  expect  its 
consummation — setting  aside  the  ease  with  which  Great  Britain  could 
at  all  times  land  her  armies  on  Persian  soil  via  Herat  in  the  North,  as 
well  as  via  the  Straits  of  Ormus  in  the  South. 

Routes  like  the  Paropomisan  Mountains,  leading  into  the  extreme 
north  of  Afghanistan,  through  interminable  deserts  first,  ere  these  are 
reached  on  such  an  Hannibal  adventure,  are  too  impracticable  to  be 
even  thought  of  without  railroads  of  infinite  extent  traversing  the 
dreary  steppes  of  independent  Turkey,  and  innumerable  steamships 
to  be  built  on  the  Volga,  and  crossing  the  Caspian  Sea  towards  the 
South,  before  even  the  inhospitable  mountains  itselves  shall  come  in 
sight  of  by  the  Russians. 

The  powerful  influence  of  England  in  Europe,  as  formerly  wielded 
by  an  ambitious  aristocracy,  requiring  heavy  sacrifices,  but  somewhat 
recompensing  the  nation  with  their  successes,  is  felt  110  longer.  The 
first  Parliamentary  reform  bill  forced  the  aristocracy  to  a  division  of 
power  with  the  gentry,  upon  which  ensued  the  second  Parliamentary 
reform  bill,  which  even  now  is  but  a  few  years  old,  and  suits  the  people 
so  well,  that,  should  Gladstone's  bill  pass  concerning  secret  elections, 
and  waving  of  costs  at  elections,  there  can  be  no  farther  doubt  of  the 
national  party  coming  into  power.  With  such  a  change  it  is  no  won 
der  that  her  international  policy  is  materially  altered,  general  interests 
of  humanity  predominating  with  Manchester  men,  eschewing  traditional 
military  glory.  Instead  of  war — diplomacy,  free  schools,  versus  gen 
eral  uncharitableness.  None  of  the  people  censured  the  parties  who 
sold  arms  and  ammunition  to  the  French,  although  it  increased  the 
misery  and  prolonged  the  agony  of  the  inglorious  ally  of  the  Govern 
ment,  but  solvent  customers  withal.  Wise  people  all  over  the  world 
are  in  the  habit  of  making  a  little  something  by  the  folly  of  others  ; 
in  fact,  are  necessitated  in  the  very  face  of  civilization  to  counteract 
a  stagnated  commerce  and  the  robbing  of  a  virtuous  peace  by  accel 
erating  the  end  of  war.  It  is  one  way,  a  new  and  very  radical  one,  this 
methodical  killing  by  the  ten  thousand,  which  is  bound  to  put  a 
stop  to  quarreling,  outrooting  wars  altogether.  It  will  serve  as  a  pre 
ventive,  horrid  as  it  is,  until  the  blessed  school  book  shall  have 
enlightened  the  million  to  feel  its  abhorrence,  and  so  keenly  as  to 
shun  it  as  a  barbarous  way  of  settling  difficulties,  having  made  man  to 
man  sufferable  in  daily  social  intercourse,  amiable  and  law-abiding, 


41 

In  the  hands  of  Germany,  at  least,  the  weapon  of  war  is  safe.  A 
hard  task,  though,  to  keep  peace  among  two  hundred  and  eighty  mill 
ions  upon  so  small  a  ground  as  Europe,  unless  assisted  in  by  the 
working  people,  who  form  the  millions  and  are  the  soldiers  to  be 
killed,  that  they  connect  to  denounce  every  war  except  leading  to 
republican  independence. 

Upon  the  pages  of  history  the  Anglo-French  alliance  is  but  a  waste 
of  sixteen  years  ;  to  Great  Britain,  however,  an  everlasting  lesson  that 
the  power  of  civilization  is  vested  in  the  Germanic  race  mainly,  to  which 
she  and  her  colonies  America,  and  Germany  belong.  Their  triumvirate 
directs  the  intellectual  and  physical  world,  shields  Christianity  against 
barbarism,  worships  God  from  the  innermost  soul,  and  gives  readiest 
access  of  free  schools  to  the  poorest  of  the  poor,  encircling  and  com 
prising  all. 

Like  the  American  Union  succeeded  in  quieting  the  Rebellion,  even 
the  French  Republic  has  since  execrated  hers,  so  has  Germany  at 
•  last  succeeded  in  baffling  the  equivocal  designs  of  past  monarchical 
France  in  regard  to  Southern  Germany,  and  neither  Great  Britain  nor 
Russia  shall  ever  regret  their  neutrality,  which  enabled  the  Southern 
German  States  to  appreciate  Prussia,  and  her  disinterested  national 
policy. 

As  to  Russia,  the  immediate  and  formidable  neighbor  of  Germany, 
it  was  natural  that  Prussia  should  have  been  anxious  to  secure  her 
neutrality  by  expressing  a  willingness  to  assist  in  pushing  aside  the 
Pontus  treat}%  so  humiliating  to  not  only  the  Czar,  but  the  entire  Rus 
sian  nation.  But  of  a  further  understanding  than  this,  between  the 
two  nations'  history  has  no  clue.  Russia's  policy  in  regard  to  Ger 
many  has  been  quite  logical.  Her  boundaries  on  the  Baltic  are  not 
sufficiently  wide,  although  she  succeeded  during  the  last  century  in 
conquering  from  Sweden  several  provinces,  which  annihilated  the 
supremacy  of  the  Swedes  upon  the  Baltic;  yet  she  was  not  sure 
of  Germany  uniting  with  Denmark  for  the  purpose  of  blockading 
the  Baltic  so  as  to  hinder  her  free  egress.  As  long  as  Germany  was 
disunited,  it  of  course  was  impossible;  the  several  single  German 
States,  even  when  united  with  Denmark,  would  not  have  been  able  to 
cope  with  Russia.  On  the  other  side,  Denmark  could  not  possibly 
have  pursued  an  anti-Russian  policy  and  united  with  one  or  the  other 
of  the  German  States  as  long  as  in  possession  of  Schleswig  and  Hoi- 
stein,  which  necessitated  her  intention  to  embrace  an  anti-German 
policy,  in  which  she  relied  upon  Russia  to  assist  her  in  securing  pos 
session. 

Russia,  like  France,  uncharitably  trusting  in  the  disunion  of  Ger 
many,  thought  Schleswig  and  Holstein,  an  integral  part  of  Denmark, 
the  German  provinces  of  Russia,  Russian;  Hanover,  English  ;  The 


42 

Dutch,  a  distinct  nation,  Holland;  the  Flemish  people,  Belgium;  and 
Alsace  and  Lorraine,  French;  14  millions  Germans  of  the  Austrian 
empire  of  34  millions  population,  Austrian — leaving  out  Switzerland, 
which  stands  aloof — a  republic.  But  Russia,  when  recovered  from 
the  shock  of  1812-15,  had  been  perfectly  absorbed  until  1856  by  the 
attention  she  had  to  bestow  upon  the  consequence  of  the  war  of  lib 
erty  of  the  Greeks,  and  felt  herself  too  weak  to  declare  war  against  the 
German  Union  without  an  ally,  with  the  problematical  issue  in  view 
of  becoming  mistress  of  the  Baltic.  Therefore  she  abided  by  the 
dictation  of  the  Congress  at  Vienna,  which ,  enabled  her  to  serve  as 
umbrage  to  both  Prussia  and  Austria.  The  war  of  1863-64  against 
Denmark  by  both  Prussia  and  Austria,  threw  Russia,  in  common 
with  France,  off  the  track.  No  nation  comprehended  the  policy  of 
Prussia  endeavoring  to  accomplish  the  German  Union  without  Aus 
tria.  In  the  Austrian-Prussian  war  she  hoped  France  would  join 
Austria,  so  that  Russia  joining  Prussia,  might  after  the  war,  together 
with  France,  as  being  equally  anxious  to  prevent  the  consummation  of 
the  German  Union,  frame  conditions  detrimental  to  the  cause  of  Ger 
many.  But  France  was  engaged  with  Italy,  and  absorbed  in  the 
reorganization  of  her  own  army,  so  that  Russia  was  obliged,  together 
with  all  other  nations,  to  observe  the  issue  of  the  war  without  solic 
ited  interference.  The  interests  of  both  nations,  Russia  and  France, 
collide  the  least  of  any  in  Europe.  The  war  in  the  Crimea  changed 
somewhat  this  enteinte.  Russia's  war,  in  Palestine,  with  France, 
assumed  dimensions  which  did  not  suit  France.  Although  careless  as 
to  Russia's  progress  in  Turkey,  if  satisfactorily  recompensed,  after 
peace  was  declared  at  Paris-France  was  prevented  by  Great  Britain, 
the  avowed  antagonist  of  Russia,  to  ally  herself  more  closely  with 
Russia.  Thej  battle  of  Sadowa,  alarming  both  Russia  and  France, 
these  nations  tried  hard  to  seduce  the  Southern  German  States  to 
infidelity  and  unfaithfulness  towards  the  Fatherland  of  the  Germans, and 
to  strengthen  Austria  in  her  ancient  Oerman  policy.  Suddenly  France 
declared  war  in  1870  against  Prussia.  Impatient,  and  not  properly 
prepared,  though  sufficiently  informed  by  Colonel  Stoffel  of  the  mili 
tary  strength  of  the  North  German  Union,  it  became  evident  that  the 
fash  act  itself  emanated  from  Paris  alone.  The  dynasty  of  Napoleon 
waning,  the  nation  nevertheless  became  clamorous  for  outside  trans 
actions.  How  Napoleon  and  the  French  nation  were  both  doomed  to 
disappointment,  history  has  shown.  Russia  not  prepared  and  in 
want  of  all  communicative  aid,  remained  neutral;  an  alliance  with 
France  was  by  no  means  sure  to  lead  to  victory  over  Germany,  so 
that  she  should  become  sole  mistress  of  the  Baltic  and  gain  France 
over  to  her  plans  in  the  southeast  of  Europe.  As  one  of  the  great 
powers  of  Europe,  Russia,  like  Great  Britain,  was  fully  aware  that 


43 

the  victor  in  a  German-French  war  would  change  the  balance  of 
power  in  Europe.  Yet,  in  a  European  war  at  large,  her  interests 
seriously  collided  with  those  of  Great  Britain,  and  knowing  that  Ger 
many  was  anxious  to  fight  it  out  alone  with  France,  while  France 
tried  hard  to  give  the  war  the  dimensions  of  a  European  one,  she, 
like  Great  Britain,  remained  neutral  at  the  risk  which  she  could  not 
obviate,  of  losing  some  of  her  political  prestige  among  the  nations 
of  the  world. 

The  fact  of  the  neutrality  of  Eussia,  as  well  as  that  of  all  other 
large  nations,  explains  the  sympathy  for  Germany  all  over  the  world. 
Victor  over  France  without  any  aid  whatsoever,  it  blots  out  the  pages 
of  the  history  of  the  First  Napoleon,  which  the  French  themselves 
have  thrown  into  eternal  oblivion  by  the  destruction  of  the  Arc  of 
Triumph,  demonstrating  thereby  that  France  has  sworn  fidelity  to  the 
Republic,  and  by  that  simple  act  elevated  herself  to  a  higher  stand 
ard' of  civilization  than  any  other  nation  in  Europe,  with  the  exception 
of  Switzerland,  has  as  yet  de  facto  reached  and  enjoyed. 

The  neutrality  of  Austria,  since  the  battles  of  Sadowa  and  Konigs- 
gratz  was  added  to  the  neutrality  of  Eussia :  The  one  of  Italy  by  the 
desire  for  Union,  and  universal  education,  by  means  of  free  schools 
'throughout  all  other  Catholic  countries,  upon  the  American  and  Prus 
sian  plan.  As  in  nations,  so  in  individuals  throughout  the  world:  the 
intelligent  and  well  informed  have  sided  with  Germany,  to  the  credit 
of  civilization  and  their  own  honorable  impartiality;  and  be  it  well 
understood,  that  not  only  the  various  Governments,  but  the  great 
million  were  imbued  with  the  necessity  of  Germany  superseding  the 
power  of  France  so  as  to  hereafter  afford  peace  as  the  principal 
condiment  of  civilization,  for  the  purpose  of  paving  the  way  to  Eu 
ropean  Republicanism.  No  better  proof  is  more  convincing  or  can 
be  more  gratifying  than  that  the  vast  millions  of  Germany  at  least 
possessed  this  understanding  of  their  real  interest  in  this  war  as  well 
as  knew  of  the  more  cosmopolitan  advantages  which  would  accrue 
to  them  from  victory,  than  was  demonstrated  by  the  mechanics  and 
working  classes  of  Gratz,  Austria.  At  a  time  much  later  in  the  his 
tory  of  the  war,  when  victories  had  been  obtained  (thanks  to  the  love 
of  right  and  justice  of  the  Germans)  their  courage  and  enlighten 
ment  in  mastering  beforehand  their  own  ancient  and  now  forgotten 
feuds  and  passions — those  Austrian  mechanics  issued  a  manifest  to 
United  Germany  which  augurs  extremely  well  for  the  peaceful  future 
of  their  common  fatherland.  A  nation  composed  of  such  bone  and 
sinew  may  now  already  vie  with  America,  for  there  is  no  longer  any 
chance  for  either  extreme  :  rebellion  or  despotism,  dismember 
ment  or  treachery.  They  said,  "  In  consideration  that  it  has  become 
"  apparent  that  the  developments  of  liberty  and  the  rights  of  nations 


44 

"  can  be  secured  only  through  a  permanent  European  peace,  of 
' '  which  a  powerful  and  invincible  Germany  is  the  guarantee  now  and 
"  forever,  and  in  consideration  that  the  French  nation  has  availed 
"  itself  of  its  former  supremacy  of  power,  to  enfeeble  all  other  nations, 
"  blaspheming  liberty  while  the  Germans  have  totally  excelled  them 
"  by  cosmopolitan  views  of  life,  and  the  exercise  of  justice  in  political 
"  matters, 

"  Be  it  Resolved,  by  the  German  ^Republican  (democratischer  Club*) 
"  that  the  welfare  of  mankind,  the  developement  and  security  of  lib- 
"  erty,  require  that  Germany  brings  the  present  war  then  only  to  a 


*  The  democracy  of  Europe  comprises  the  republican  element  there,  after  the 
American  definition  of  radicalism  in  party  sentiment  here,  but,  in  monarchies 
abroad,  is,  of  course,  not  lawfully  enacted,  therefore,  without  revolution,  remains 
secret  and  ineffective  in  public. 

The  confusion  of  these  names,  Democracy  and  Republicanism,  does  great  harm 
in  America,  where  the  brave  immigrant  landing  upon  our  blessed  shores  is  beguiled 
by  the  name  only  of  voting,  in  due  time  of  citizenship,  the  democratic  ticket,  not 
knowing  that  ticket  is  legitimately  subdivided,  and  does  not  alone  and  exclusively 
embody  the  principles  of  American  or  lawful  republicanism,  nor  that  freedom  neces 
sarily  signifies  an  unanimous  sentiment  in  regard  to  the  manner  and  means  by  which 
liberty  in  a  free  country  reaches,  is  enacted  and  enjoyed  of  by  everybody.  Not 
being  aware  of  either  that  there  should  be  a  republican  party  necessary  besides  a 
democratic  one,  for  the  better  working  of  the  machinery  of  government,  he,  upon 
hearing  of  it,  often  remains  prejudiced,  through  the  force  of  habit,  against  the  repub 
lican  party,  imagining  that,  after  all,  the  latter  may  signify  a  tendency,  like  in  bon- 
daged  Europe,  towards  lawlessness  and  rebellion. 

That  both  the  democratic  party  as  well  as  the  republican,  with  their  many  minor 
subdivisions,  more  or  less  radical,  constitute  harmonious  and  integral  parts  of  the 
sworn  and  legitimate  Republic  of  the  "United  States  of  America  at  large,  versus  and 
in  eternal  distinction  and  defense  of,  against  monarchism  and  blood  aristocracy  of 
the  world,  synonymous,  the  latter  with  hereditary  and  concrete  imposition  upon  jus 
tice,  through  criminal  neglect  of  duty  to  alike  educate  the  people  ;  as  well  as  through 
the  upholding  of  exclusive  privileges  of  man  to  the  palpable  detriment  of  the  rights 
of  fellow-men,  from  a  religious  and  charitably  humane  and  equitable  point  of  view, 
he,  the  emigrant,  does  not  at  once  entirely  comprehend,  nor  that  democracy  differs 
from  republicanism  in  minute  form  and  various  axioms  of  conservatism. 

Inexperienced  why  it  is  absolutely  necessary  that  both  parties  should  here  exist, 
in  order  to  separately,  at  the  polls,  yet  conjointly  in  force,  fully  draw  out  the 
strength  of  the  mind  and  will  of  a  free  and  independent  citizen  and  voter,  who  con 
stitutes  the  American  nation  at  large,  it  may  be  useful  to  foreigners  to  here  state 
that  thereby  the  Government  is  effectually  prevented  from  at  any  time  relapsing 
into  a  barbarous  incongruity  and  European  idolatry,  insidiously  undermining  the 
strength  of  justice  and  of  right,  so  put  in  imperishable  republican  form,  and  now 
nearly  centennially  ancient. 

Inasmuch  as  truth  is  in  itself  imperishable  as  characterizing  the  inimitable  works 
of  Creation,  in  our  species  is  founded  in  and  is  perpetuated  by  a  well-drawn-out 
and  hourly  more  cultivated  reason,  so  is  mankind  redeemable  to  republicanism 
through  civilization,  in  no  matter  how  many  ages  to  come.  The  principle  is  the  only 
correct  one  because  it  is  the  principle  of  Life — heavenly  ordained,  blissful,  and 
eternal. 


45 

"  close,  concludes  peace  then  only  when  by  it  the  unrepublican  war- 
"  like  power  of  France  is  forever  broken,  as  of  no  use  whatever  to 
"civilization.  Germany  receives  back  Alsace  and  Lorraine,  and  a 
' '  state  of  affairs  is  created,  which  shall  entrust  Germany  alone  with 
"  the  leadership  over  the  great  family  of  European  nations,  and  the 
"  guardianship  over  European  civilization." 

As  the  aforesaid  are  the  sentiments  of  laboring  men  in  German  Aus 
tria,  sentiments  thoroughly  honest,  it  becomes  a  matter  of  cer 
tainty  that  fourteen  millions  Germans  shall  ere  long  be  added  to  the 
great  collective  Union  of  Germany,  nor  would  it  be  just  and  equita 
ble  not  to  recover  the  German  Eussians  and  old  Germanic  Holland, 
which  Germany  reveres  of  old,  and  which  is  essentially  necessary  to 
a  united  race  and  fatherland.  If  the  King  of  Prussia  can  lay  down 
his  crown  upon  the  German  fatherland,  the  King  of  Holland  can, 
and  others,  as  the  Kings  of  Bavaria,  of  Saxony,  of  Hanover  and  of 
Wurtemberg  have  done.  In  regard  to  England,  the  greater  the 
power  of  Germany  the  greater  the  friendship  of  Great  Britain,  as  iden 
tical  with  progress,  and  her  best  security  for  India  in  future  ;  besides 
Queen  Victoria's  daughter  will  be  Empress  of  Germany  as  long  as 
Emperors  are  at  all  necessary  for  guiding  an  enlightened  nation,  which 
is  rapidly  advancing  in  fitness  to  guide  and  govern  itself.  France — 
a  republic,  England  is  no  longer  forced  to  add  her  strength  to  the 
maintenance  of  peace  in  Europe.  She  is  now  ready  to  follow  Amer 
ica  in  the  enjoyment  of  the  colossal  material  advantages  accruing 
to  her  vast  domain  all  over  the  world  from  the  blessings  of  perma 
nent  peace.  Europe  begins  fully  to  comprehend  the  principle  of  the 
republican  form  of  government,  as  exemplified  in  the  United  States 
of  America,  a  cosmopolitan  nation,  where  peace  is  lawfully  abided 
in  under  all  international  circumstances  occurring;  although,  with  two 
hundred  and  eighty  millions  Europeans,  instead  of  forty  millions  in 
the  United  States,  and  numerous  war-like  aggressive  neighboring 
nations  to  contend  with,  and  at  a  few  day's  notice,  instead  of  none  at 
all,  and  isolated  withal,  it  may  yet  take  ages  in  Europe  to  achieve 
what  the  United  States  have  already  enjoyed  with  perfect  impunity 
nearly  a  century.  And  as  to  Europe  so  soon  disarming  previously  to 
a  far  more  universal  state  of  enlightenment  in  the  million,  than  exists 
after  all  this  day,  such  a  blessing  to  the  people's  prosperity  can  unfor 
tunately,  as  yet,  but  be  implored. 

The  most  annoying  of  all  circumstances  to  Napoleon,  had  been  that 
he  was  necessitated  to  withdraw  his  troops  from  Borne,  because  in  a 
war  with  Germany  he  could  not  spare  their  number. 

By  this  step  he  offended  the  priests,  without  whom,  he  could  not 
do  much,  and  whom  he  expected  should  at  this  particularly  critical 
moment  be  his  most  valuable  allies. 


46 

When  these  reflections  are  recapitulated,  none  of  which  arguing  suc 
cess,  and  Napoleon  is,  nevertheless,  known  to  have  declared  war,  it 
becomes  evident  that  he  relied,  for  reasons  of  his  own  whether  or  not, 
upon  victory,  and  that  he  fancied  the  French  army  superior  to  the 
Prussian  in  the  same  proportion  as  the  Prussian  army  had  proven 
itself  superior  to  the  Austrian.  Again,  it  is  owing  to  his  incompetent 
military  agents  in  Germany,  who  have  thus  served  him  scandalously. 
Colonel  Stoffel  explained  to  him  from  Berlin,  that  the  Prussian  inno 
vations  upon  military  organizations  were  disadvantageous,  therefore 
advantageous  to  France.  Thus,  Napoleon  anticipated  the  whole  war 
to  become  a  delightful  military  promenade  to  Berlin  and  beyond, 
halting  at  Konigsberg,  where  peace  would  be  declared.  Connected 
with  these  illusions  rose  the  hope  that,  after  the  first  victory  should 
have  been  obtained  the  South  German  States  would  desert  Prussia, 
the  newdy  annexed  provinces  of  Prussia  would  rebel  and  revolt,  and 
Denmark  and  Austria,  encouraged  by  the  success  of  the  French  arms, 
appear  on  the  scene  of  action  as  aiding  participants. 

Buoying  himself  up  with  this  hope,  Napoleon  now  framed  his 
famous  declaration  of  war  to  Prussia,  which  arrived  in  Berlin  on  the 
19th  of  July,  and  reads  as  follows: 

"  The  undersigned  Charge  d' 'Affaires  of  France,  in  execution  of  the 
' '  command  received  from  his  Government,  has  the  honor  of  commu- 
"  nicating  to  His  Excellency  the  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs  of  His 
ft  Majesty,  the  King  of  Prussia,  that  the  Government  of  His  Majesty, 
"  the  Emperor  of  the  French,  in  viewing  the  plan  of  placing  a 
fc  Prussian  Prince  upon  the  throne  of  Spain  as  hazardous  to  the  ter- 
"  ritorial  security  of  France,  has  been  necessitated  to  demand  of  His 
"  Majesty,  the  King  of  Prussia,  the  assurance  that  such  a  combination 
"  should  not  be  realized  with  his  consent.  As  His  Majesty,  the  King 
"  of  Prussia  has  refused  to  extend  this  assurance,  and  moreover,  has 
"  given  the  Charge  d' Affaires  of  His  Majesty, the  Emperor  of  the  French, 
"  to  understand  that,  he  would  act  in  this  case,  as  well  as  in  any 
"  other  similar  emergency,  according  to  circumstances  possibly  arising 
"  and  influencing  his  decision,  the  Imperial  Government  of  France 
' '  cannot  but  suspect  from  the  declaration  of  the  King  of  Prussia  that  it 
"  covers  a  design  hostile  to  France  as  well  as  jeopardizing  the  balance 
"  of  power  in  Europe.  The  aforesaid  declaration  has  even  been 
"aggravated  by  the  announcement  to  the  various  Cabinets  of  the 
' '  refusal  to  receive  the  Charge  d' Affaires  of  the  Emperor  and  to 
"  further  animadvert  upon  the  question. 

"  In  consequence  of  which,  the  French  Government  considers  it  a 
"  duty,  broaching  no  delay  in  its  execution  of  defending  its  honor 
"  and  of  guarding  its  injured  interests,  and  is  determined  for  this 
' '  purpose  to  avail  itself  of  all  strenuous  measures  demanded  by  the 


47 

"  situation.     It  therefore  declares  itself  from  this  day  at  war   with 
' '  Prussia. 

"  The  undersigned  has  the  honor  of  assuring  His  Excellency  of 
' '  his  highest  esteem  and  regard. " 

(Signed)  LE  SOUBD. 

BERLIN,  July  19,  1870. 

Before  commenting  upon  the  declaration  of  war  and  the  conse 
quence  arising  therefrom,  it  becomes  necessary  to  refer  to  that  episode 
when  first  the  Times  brought  to  light  Napoleon's  policy,  to  which 
Count  Bismarck  responded,  and  then  what  interesting  developments 
the  case  divulged.  A  synopsis  of  the  French  and  German  army 
organization  is  likewise  necessary  in  order  to  portray  correctly  and 
vividly  the  events  which  followed. 

The  moral  defeat  which  the  Parisian  Cabinet  had  sustained  by  the 
publication  of,  the  projected  treaty  with  Prussia  had  been  too  great, 
and  the  impression  it  had  made  upon  neutral  powers  too  extraordi 
nary  as  that  France  should  not  have  made  every  imaginable  effort  of 
placing  the  matter  in  a  different  light.  In  order  to  bring  this  about 
the  following  letter  of  Count  Benedetti  to  the  Minister  of  Foreign 
Affairs  was  published  in  the  Journal  Official: 

"PARIS,  July  29th,  1870. 

' '  DUKE  : — No  matter  how  unjust  may  have  been  the  criticisms  to 
"  which  I  saw  myself  exposed,  when  it  became  known  in  France 
"  that  the  Prince  of  Hohenzollern  had  accepted  the  Spanish  Crown, 
"  I  have  not  deemed  it  fit  and  proper  to  confront  them.  My  duty 
"  commanded  me  to  leave  the  trouble  to  the  Imperial  Government  of 
"  setting  those  criticisms  right.  I  cannot,  however,  indulge  in  that 
"same  silence  considering  the  use  which  Count  Bismarck  has  made, 
"  of  a  document  to  which  he  endeavors  to  attach  an  importance 
"  which  it  never  had,  and  I  entreat  Your  Excellency  to  explain  every 
"  solitary  fact  with  minute  precision.  It  is  well  known  everywhere 
"  that  Count  Bismarck  before  and  during  the  last  Prussian  war  with 
"Austria,  had  been  found  willing  of  assisting  France  in  annexing 
:<  Belgium,  if  France  returned  the  civility  to  Prussia  by  allowing  her  a 
"  similar  compensation  in  the  direction  of  territories  coveted  by 
"  Prussia,  which  since  then  have  been  acquired.  The  whole  European 
"  diplomatic  body  could  bear  witness,  as  every  member  became  cog- 
"  nizant  of  it.  The  Imperial  Government  has  constantly  refused 
"  these  offers,  and  one  of  its  predecessors,  Monsieur  Drouyn  de 
cc  1'Huys,  is  in  a  position  to  explain  it,  and  in  a  manner  that  can  leave 
"no  doubt.  "When  peace  had  been  concluded  at  Prague,  and  con- 
"  sidering  the  excitement  which  prevailed  in  France  consequent  upon 
"the  annexation  of  Hanover,  Kurhessen,  and  the  city  of  Frankfort- 


48 

"  oii-the-Main,  by  Prussia,  Count  Bismarck  again  expressed  his  great 
"  desire  of  amending  the  balance  of  power  thus  gently  shaken  by  his 
"  acquisitions.  Different  combinations  they  were,  to  be  sure,  not 
' '  concerning  lands  bordering  upon  the  frontiers  of  either  France  or 
"  Germany,  which  had  become  the  topic  of  several  interviews,  in  all 
"  of  which  Count  Bismarck  endeavored  to  obtain  preference  for  his 
"  personal  ideas.  To  one  of  these  interviews  I  consented,  in  order  to 
"be  better  able  to  comprehend  his  combinations  thoroughly,  and 
"  copied,  so  to  say,  what  he  dictated.  The  form  as  well  as  the  con- 
"  tents  of  that  manuscript  proves  plainly  that  it  has  been  my  purpose 
"  to  confine  myself  to  sketching  the  project  as  it  had  been  conceived 
"  and  developed  itself.  Count  von  Bismarck  retained  it,  wishing  to 
"  transmit  it  to  the  King.  I,  on  my  part,  immediately  communicated 
"  the  contents,  precisely  and  correctly  as  they  were  given  to  me,  to 
"  the  Imperial  Government. 

"  The  Emperor  refused  these  schemes  immediately.  I  must  say 
"  that  even  the  King  of  Prussia  did  not  approve  of  their  basis,  so  that 
"  ever  since,  viz.,  during  the  last  four  years,  I  have  not  compared  notes 
"  and  exchanged  ideas  with  Bismarck  upon  the  topic  above  mentioned. 
1 '  Had  the  initiative  to  any  such  agreement  been  taken  by  the  Im- 
"  perial  Government,  the  copy  of  the  manuscript  would  have  been 
"  retained  by  the  Ministry,  so  that  I  would  have  been  unable  to  pro- 
"  duce  a  copy  written  by  myself.  Besides  which,  it  would  have  been 
"revised,  and  would  have  afforded  an  opportunity  of  entering  into 
"  negotiations  upon  the  subject,  which  would  have  been  carried  on 
"  simultaneously  in  Paris  and  in  Berlin.  In  such  an  event,  you  may 
"  rely  upon  it,  Count  Bismarck  would  not  have  been  satisfied  with 
"publishing  its  contents  in  an  indirect  way,  especially  at  a  moment 
"  when  your  Excellency  set  to  rights  other  errors,  which  were  iiiten- 
"  tionally  circulated — by  inserting  the  dispatches  in  the  Journal  Offi- 
"  cial.  But  to  attain  to  his  end,  viz.,  to  mislead  public  opinion,  and 
"to  be  ahead  of  any  little  indiscretion  which  we  might  have  been 
"  unwise  enough  to  commit,  he  availed  himself  of  this  aid,  because,  by 
"  so  doing,  he  rid  himself  of  the  necessity  of  minutely  quoting  at  what 
"  precise  time,  under  what  circumstances,  and  in  what  manner  this 
"  important  document  had  originally  been  composed.  He  undoubt- 
"  edly  thought  such  silence  would  lead  to  premises  which  would 
"  exonerate  him,  and  compromise  the  Imperial  Government  of  France 
"instead. 

"  Such  a  proceeding  need  not  be  further  commented  upon  ;  suffice 
"  it  to  publish  it,  and  all  Europe  will  be  able  to  decide. 
"Accept  the  assurance,  etc.,  etc., 

"V.  BENEDETTI." 


4:9 

The  Parisian  journals  have  exposed  the  flatness  and  shallowness  of 
the  aforesaid  epistle,  and  emphatically  avowed  the  absurdity  of  the  sup 
position  that  Count  Bismarck  should  have  retained  the  manuscript  for 
the  purpose  of  handing  it  over  to  the  King-,  after  it  had  just  before 
been  said,  and  clearly  demonstrated,  that  the  manuscript  contained 
the  full  expression  of  the  ideas  of  Count  von  Bismarck.  Had  that 
been  the  case,  of  what  use  would  have  been  the  manuscript  ?  Why  ! 
all  Count  Bismarck  had  to  do  was  to  verbally  communicate  to  the 
King  his  ideas,  which  certainly  would  have  been  done  more  impres 
sively  than  with  a  document  composed  by  the  French  Ambassador. 

To  an  equal  certainty  the  Parisians  comprehended  from  Benedetti's 
letter  the  inadequateness  of  the  rejection  of  the  accusation,  so  that 
shortly  afterwards  a  circular  appeared  of  the  Duke  of  Grammont's  to 
the  French  diplomatic  body  abroad,  which  was  intended  to  serve  as  an 
answer  to  the  accusations  of  Count  Bismarck  in  his  last  circular,  and 
neutralize  its  effect.  The  French  circufar  said  : 

PARIS,  the  3d  August,  1870. 

Y.  Exc.  :  We  have,  this  day,  become  acquainted  with  the  fur 
ther  meaning  of  the  telegram  which  Count  Bismarck  has  transmitted 
to  the  Prussian  Ambassador  in  London,  in  order  to  communicate  to 
England  those  supposed  secrets,  of  which  the  Chancellor  of  the  North 
German  Union  professes  to  be  aware.  His  dispatch,  however,  contains 
no  additional  and  essentially  important  information  beyond  the  facts 
which  he  has  already  brought  to  light.  We,  ourselves,  find  only  some 
more  improbabilities.  Public  opinion  has  already  pronounced  judg 
ment  upon  these  assertions,  which  do  not  gain  authority  by  the  bold 
ness  with  which  they  are  repeated.  We  consider  it  as  finally  settled, 
in  spite  of  all  denial,  that  the  Emperor  Napoleon  never  proposed  to 
Prussia  a  treaty  which  had  for  its  purpose  the  forcible  annexation  of 
Belgium.  This  idea  belongs  exclusively  to  Bismarck,  and  intended 
to  serve  him  as  one  of  the  means  with  which  to  manage  his  unscrupu 
lous  policy,  which,  however,  is  now  as  we  hope  fast  approaching  its 
frustration.  I  would  have  altogether  refrained  from  reciting  assertions, 
the  wroiigfulness  of  which  stands  to-day  manifested,  if  the  author  of 
the  Prussian  dispatch,  with  a  want  of  tact  which  has  no  precedent  to 
my  knowledge  in  any  diplomatic  document,  had  not  cited  relatives  of 
the  Emperor  as  having  been  the  bearers  of  such  compromising  commu 
nications  and  messages.  With  what  a  disgust  I  feel  necessitated  to 
follow  and  keep  an  eye  upon  the  Prussian  Chancellor,  and  pursue  a 
course  contrary  to  my  habits,  I  cannot  tell;  yet,  I  must  overcome  this 
feeling,  because  it  is  my  duty  to  defend  the  members  of  the  Imperial 
family  against  the  horrid  insinuations  which  are  meant  for  them,  and 
evidently  directed  to  reach  the  Emperor  himself. 


50 

It  was  at  Berlin  where  Count  Bismarck,  taking  hold  of  the  initiation 
of  the  ideas,  the  first  conception  of  which  he  to-day  dexterously 
ascribes  to  us,  accosted  the  French  Prince,  whom  he  now  draws 
with  contempt  of  all  conventional  rules  into  the  circle  of  his  polemic, 
with  these  words:  You  searched  for  "a  thing-  impossible.  You 
"  want  to  take  the  provinces  of  the  Khine,  which  are  German.  Why 
"  do  you  not  rather  annex  Belgium  ?  made  up  of  people  partially  of 
"  your  own  race,  who  profess  the  same  religion,  and  who  speak  the 
"  same  vernacular.  The  same  thing  I  have  already  given  the  Emperor 
"  to  understand  :  that  if  he  should  share  my  views,  we  would  aid 
"  him  to  take  Belgium.  As  far  as  I  am  concerned,  if  I  was  master 
"  here,  and  not  hindered  by  the  stubbornness  of  the  King,  it  would 
te  have  been  done  by  this  time."  These  words  of  the  Prussian  Chan 
cellor  were,  so  to  say,  repeated  verbatim  by  Count  von  der  Goltz,  at 
the  French  Court.  This  very  Ambassador  made  it  so  little  a  secret 
there  that  the  number  of  wi&iesses  who  have  heard  it  is  considerable. 
I  have  to  add  that,  at  the  time  of  the  great  exhibition,  these  propositions 
from  Prussia  reached  the  ears  of  a  somewhat  more  than  exalted  per 
sonage  who  took  a  precise  notice  of  it,  and  even  now  remembers  it 
well.  Besides  it  was  with  Count  Bismarck  no  effervescent  whim;  on 
the  contrary,  a  well  meditated  project  which  he  fostered  with  his  am 
bitious  plans,  and  in  which  he  persevered  with  a  pertinacity  which 
augured  realization  until  it  was  wrecked  upon  the  unshakable  will  of 
the  Emperor,  whom  he  often  visited  in  Paris,  as  well  as  in  Biarritz  and 
other  places  for  that  very  purpose,  but  who  declined  to  participate  in  a 
policy  which  was  unworthy  of  Napoleon's  loyalty. 

I  now  quit  this  topic,  which  I  have  touched  upon  for  the  last  time, 
being  determined  not  to  return  to  it  any  more,  and  approach  a  really 
new  one,  found  in  the  dispatch  of  Count  von  Bismarck  :  "I  have 
"  reason  to  believe  (so  he  says)  that,  if  the  treaty  had  not  been  made 
"  public,  France  would  have  made  us  the  offer  after  we  had  both 
"  armed,  to  execute  her  propositions  previously  made,  as  we  had  now 
"  together  a  well  equipped  army  of  more  than  a  million  of  men, 
•'against  unarmed  Europe,  by  which  Bismarck  intended  to  convey: 
(<  to  grant  peace  before  or  after  the  first  battle,  according  to  the  pro- 
"  posals  of  Mr.  Benedetti,  and  of  course  at  the  expense  of  Belgium." 

It  would  not  be  proper  for  the  Government  of  the  Emperor  to  suf 
fer  to  consider  such  an  assurance.  In  the  face  of  Europe  the  Minis 
ters  of  His  I.  Majesty  demanded  of  Count  Bismarck  to  produce  a  solitary 
proof  from  which  it  might  be  inferred  they  had  shown  an  intention, 
either  directly  or  indirectly,  officially,  or  with  aid  of  secret  agents,  to 
unite  with  Prussia  for  the  purpose  of  committing  an  attentat  upon  the 
independance  of  Belgium  similar  to  the  one  that  has  been  enacted 
upon  Hanover.  We  have  not  negotiated  with  Count  von  Bismarck 


either  in  regard  to  Belgium  nor  in  regard  to  anything  else.  Far 
from  seeking  war,  of  which  we  stand  accused,  we  have  even 
requested  Lord  Clarendon  to  intervene  with  the  Prussian  Minister 
in  order  to  bring  about  a  reciprocated  disarmament,  which  important 
mission  Lord  Clarendon  unhesitatingly  undertook,  out  of  friendship 
to  France,  as  well  as  out  of  devotion  to  the  ideas  of  peace. 

But  the  following  letter  will  prove  to  a  fault  that  the  ire  of  the 
French  arose  from  the  designs  of  their  intervention,  in  1866,  having  being 
frustrated  by  the  victories  of  Sadowa  and  Konigsgratz,  as  France  had 
but  one  motive  by  that  intervention,  if  possibly  to  participate  in  the 
spoils  without  having  done  anything  in  the  way  of  help  of  action.  Of 
course,  Germany  never  listened  to  it,  and  Bismarck  paid  nothing  in 
the  way  of  inches  of  territory. 

Drouyn  de  1'Huys  wrote  to  the  Prussian  Ambassador  in  Paris, 
Count  v.  d.  Goltz  : 

VICHY,  3d  August,  1866. 

MY  DEAR  AMBASSADOR  :  I  hasten  to  answer  your  letter  of  the  day 
before  yesterday,  in  regard  to  the  wish  of  Count  von  Bismarck,  that 
we  (France)  officially  acknowledge  the  annexations  which  Prussia 
intends  to  make  in  Northern  Germany. 

As  often  as  I  have  touched,  in  my  conversations  with  you,  upon 
this  question  of  territorial  modifications  in  favor  of  Prussia,  I  have 
expressed  to  you  my  confidence  in  the  Berlin  Cabinet,  acknowl 
edging  the  propriety  and  equity  of  France  of  asking  a  recompensation 
for  it  in  a  manner  which  shall  have  for  its  purpose  the  somewhat  com 
parative  increase  of  the  defensive  strength  of  the  French  Empire. 

Of  this  sort  of  condition  I  reminded  Count  Benedetti,  on  the  twenty- 
third  of  July,  in  a  dispatch  approved  of  by  the  Emperor.  It  was  by 
him  confidentially  communicated  to  Count  Bismarck,  who  acknowl 
edging  the  pardonable  nature  of  the  principle,  exchanged  with  him 
some  ideas  in  regard  to  the  manner  and  means  by  which  the  concep 
tion  might  be  practically  realized. 

Said  conversation,  of  which  Count  Bismarck  told  me  in  his  letter  of 
the  twenty-sixth  of  July,  preceded  the  signing  of  the  preliminaries  of 
peace,  and  of  the  armistice.  It  should  be  taken  up  again  later.  On 
the  twenty-ninth,  by  telegram,  in  my  answer  to  his  letter,  approved 
of  by  the  Emperor,  I  have  precisely  stated  our  views.  Our  Ambassa 
dor  must  have  received  the  telegram  either  at  Nickolsburg  or  in 
Berlin. 

As  you,  my  dear  Count,  refer  in  your  letter  to  the  conversations 
which  you  have  had  with  the  Emperor  upon  the  subject,  I  have  handed 
the  letter  to  his  Majesty,  and  requested  his  commands.  Here  is  the 
answer  which  I  am  authorized  to  give  you  : 


52 

"  When  the  Emperor  offered  his  good  services  because  of  the  recon- 
"  str  action  of  peace,  he  did  not  hesitate  to  acknowledge  that  Prussia, 
"  by  her  victories,  had  a  right  to  ask  of  Austria  a  territorial  extension 
"  of  her  boundaries,  to  the  figure  of  three  to  four  millions  of  inhabit- 
"  ants  upon  it.  If  otherwise,  the  Emperor  would  not  mistake  that 
"  an  undue  enlargement  would  derange  the  equlibrium  of  strength 
ts  upon  our  boundary. 

"  But  His  Majesty  would  not  increase  the  difficulty  of  an  affair  which 
"  was  of  a  general  European  magnitude,  by  treating  beforehand  with 
"  Prussia  upon  territorial  questions  which  concern  France  particularly, 
*'  besides  were  not  mentioned  in  the  preliminaries  of  peace. 

"  It  appeared  to  his  Majesty  as  enough  to  have  alluded  to  this  ques- 
"  tion,  reserving  to  himself  an  examination  of  the  same  in  unison  with 
"  the  Cabinet  of  Berlin,  as  soon  as  the  role  he  had  played  as  inter- 
"  ventor  should  have  been  finished. 


"  With  these  views  upon  the  subject,  the  Emperor  commanded  me 
"  to  instruct  Count  Benedetti  as  mentioned." 

As  soon  as  we  shall  have  received  his  reply,  I  shall  be  enabled  to 
inform  you,  my  dear  Count,  of  the  decision  of  the  Emperor  in  regard 
to  the  points  comprising  the  contents  of  your  letter. 

D.    DE    L'H. 

The  manner  in  which  these  sly  importunities  of  France  were  an 
swered  in  Berlin,  the  diplomatic  archives  published  last  year  have 
shown.  It  is  certain  that  both  Germany  and  France  distrusted  each 
other  from  those  dates  of  Sadowa  and  Konigsgratz.  It  was  nothing 
more  nor  less  than  a  grudge. 

It  is  well  the  heart  is  relieved,  the  pachy dermal  fury  evaporated, 
and  calm  reason  prevails. 

Here  follow  the  words  which  Count  Daru,  in  a  letter  of  the  first  of 
February,  expressed  to  the  Marquis  of  Lavalette,  French  Ambassador 
in  London,  as  being  the  intentions  of  the  French  Government : 

"  I  would  assuredly  not  mix  myself  up  in  this  affair,  nor  request  of 
"  England  to  meddle  with  it,  if  it  was  merely  and  simply  a  banale  and 
"  formal  controversy,  having  no  other  purpose,  than  to  afford  Count 
"Bismarck  an  opportunity  of  renewing  his  expression  of  a  refusal. 
"  But  it  requires  a  firm,  earnest,  and  positive  action.  The  Secretary 
"  of  State  appears  to  predict  that  Count  von  Bismarck  will  experience 
"  a  sensation  of  discontent  and  annoyance.  It  is  possible,  but  not 
"certain.  In  this  expectation,  however,  it  is  perhaps  well  to  so 
"  arrange  matters  that  a  negative  answer  is  thereto  at  once  avoided.  I 
"  am  convinced  that  reflection  and  time  will  bring  the  Chancellor  to 
"  seriously  contemplate  the  step  England  has  taken;  if  he  has  not 


53 

"  the  first  day  refused  explanation,  then  the  interests  of  Prussia  and 
"  Germany  will  soon  loudly  demand  of  him  to  relent.  He  will  not 
"  arouse  public  opinion  of  the  whole  country  against  him.  What, 
"  indeed,  would  be  his  position  if  we  took  away  from  him  the  sole 
"  pretext  behind  which  he  could  possibly  barricade  himself,  viz.,  the 
'  *  arming  of  France  ?" 

Upon  this  Count  Bismarck  answered  he  could  not  well  do  it  and 
lay  before  the  King  the  communication  from  the  British  Government, 
being  sufficiently  informed  of  the  views  of  his  Sovereign,  as  not  to  be 
able  to  anticipate  the  impression  such  communication  would  certainly 
make  upon  him.  King  William,  he  said,  would  observe  in  a  step  of 
that  sort  from  the  British  Cabinet,  a  proof  of  a  change  in  the  friendly 
sentiments  of  England  towards  Prussia.  Finally,  the  Chancellor 
recapitulated  his  explanation :  "It  would  be  impossible  for  Prussia 
"to  modify  a  military  system  which  was  firmly  interwoven  with  the 
"  traditions  of  the  country,  formed  a  part  of  the  basis  of  its  consti- 
"  tution  and  was  totally  normal."  Count  Daru  was  not  discomfited 
by  this  first  response.  On  the  13th  of  February  he  wrote  to  Mr.  von 
Lavalette :  "I  hope  Lord  Clarendon  does  not  consider  himself  van- 
"  quished,  and  will  lose  his  presence  of  mind.  We  shall  very  soon 
' '  afford  him  another  opportunity  to  return  to  the  same  attack  when- 
"  ever  he  shall  see  fit  to  reopen  the  discourse  upon  the  same  topic 
"  with  the  German  Chancellor,  which  has  thus  been  interrupted. 
"  Our  intention  really  is  to  dimmish  our  contingent;  we  would  have 
' '  diminished  it  much  more  if  we  had  received  from  the  Chancellor  of 
"  the  North  German  Union  a  favorable  answer;  we  shall  now  diniiii- 
"  ish  it  less,  because  his  answer  was  negative;  nevertheless,  we  do 
"  diminish  it,  and  the  reduction  I  hope  will  amount  to  10,000  men, 
"  each  contingent;  this  number  I  shall  propose.  In  this  manner  we 
"  shall  attest  our  policy  and  intention  by  action,  which  are  always 
"  worth  more  than  words.  Nine  contingents  diminished,  each  of 
"  10,000  men,  make  a  total  of  90,000  men.  That  is  something — a 
"  tenth  of  the  army;  I  regret  only  that  I  cannot  do  more.  The  law  in 
"  regard  to  the  contingent  shall  soon  be  presented;  Lord  Clarendon 
"  may  then  judge  whether  it  is  time  to  remonstrate  with  Count  Bis- 
' '  rnarck,  that  it  is  the  Prussian  Government  alone  in  Europe  which 
"  does  not  make  concession  in  favor  of  peace,  and  that  it  puts  itself 
•'  in  a  critical  position  among  the  nations  of  Europe,  because  it  lends 
"  arms  to  all  tbe  world  against  itself,  even  against  the  people  thus 
"  oppressed  by  military  taxes  as  necessarily  levied  upon  them. 

Lively  pressed,  Count  Bismarck  considered  it  necessary  to  give 
Lord  Clarendon  new  explanations.  These  were  full  of  reticencies  as 
transmitted  to  us  by  letter  from  Mr.  von  Lavalette,  dated  February 
23d.  The  Chancellor  of  the  North  German  Union  had  returned  to 


54 

his  first  resolution,  and  had  had  a  conversation  with  King  William 
upon  the  proposal  as  recommended  by  England.  The  King,  however, 
had  declined.  Count  Bismark  based  this  refusal  upon  the  apprehen 
sion  of  a  possible  French  alliance  between  Austria  and  South  Ger 
many,  and  the  inclination  which  France  might  evince  in  enlarging 
her  boundary.  Above  all,  he  clouded  his  argument  into  the  anxiety 
which  the  policy  of  Russia  gave  him,  and  upon  this  occasion  made 
some  pointed  remarks  in  regard  to  the  Court  of  St.  Petersburg,  which 
were  incomprehensible  to  me. 

These  are  the  grounds  upon  which  Count  Bismarck  based  his  11011- 
compliance  with  the  request  of  the  French  Imperial  Government,  as 
transmitted  through  Lord  Clarendon,  and  duly  represented  as  a  loyal 
and  conscientious  matter. 

If,  therefore,  Europe  remained  under  arm  when  a  million  of  men 
were  about  to  wound  each  other  upon  battle-fields,  then  it  is  not  any 
longer  permissible  to  deny  that  Prussia  is  responsible  for  such  a  con 
dition  of  things  ;  she  has  rejected  every  thought  in  regard  to  disarma 
ment  when  we  have  had  the  proposition  made,  and  commenced  by 
giving  an  example.  Is  not,  moreover,  this  behavior  explainable 
from  the  fact  that  in  the  same  hour  in  which  France  diminished  her 
contingent,  the  Prussian  Cabinet  organized  in  the  dark  the  provoking- 
candidature  of  a  Prussian  Prince  for  the  Spanish  Throne  ?  No  mat 
ter  what  calumnies  the  Chancellor  of  the  North  German  Union  may 
have  invented,  we  are  without  fear.  He  has  lost  the  right  to  find 
credence.  The  conscience  of  Europe  and  history  shall  say  that  Prus 
sia  provoked  the  present  war  by  aiming  an  insult  at  France,  while  the 
latter  was  busy  perfecting  its  political  improvements,  which  affront 
no  proud  and  courageous  nation  could  have  stood  without  deserving 
execration  from  all  the  world. 

With  assurances  of  high  regard,  etc.,  etc., 

(Signed)  GRAMMONT. 

Even  the  aforesaid  circular  was  not  sufficient  to  allay  the  distrust 
once  aroused  among  the  European  Courts,  as  it  contained  nothing 
new  beyond  what  Benedetti  had  already  advanced  by  stating,  without 
proofs,  that  Count  Bismarck  had  been  the  originator  of  the  project 
which  the  Emperor  of  the  French  had  perseveringly  rejected.  The 
most  interesting  part  of  the  document  is,  however,  the  manner  in 
which  developments,  as  systematically  arranged  by  Count  Bismarck, 
were  made  to  connect  with  the  candidature  of  the  Prince  of  Hohen- 
zollern  for  the  throne  of  Spain,  its  conception  likewise  ascribed  to  him 
and  which  fusion  had  to  serve  France  to  get  as  a  pretext  for  the  inaug 
uration  of  the  present  war.  By  this  artful  device  the  Duke  of  Gram- 
mont  is  lucky  enough  to  put  down  Count  Bismarck  as  the  abomina- 


55 

ble  originator  of  the  war,  and  place  France  near  him  as  the  innocent 
lamb  which  had  to  go  against  its  will,  that  civilization  might  be  saved 
and  the  disturbed  balance  of  power  in  Europe  readjusted.  It  cannot 
be  denied,  though,  that  the  following  document,  which  had  appeared 
not  long  before  the  one  just  given,  and  serving  as  an  introductory  to 
the  same,  has  been  executed  with  so  much  dramatic  skill,  that  it  is  not 
to  be  wondered  at  that  in  the  eyes  of  Frenchmen,  who  love  and 
admire,  above  everything,  a  good  theatrical  effect,  it  appeared  as  an 
expression  of  the  most  verified  truth.  This  document  reads  as  fol 
lows  : 

PARIS,  21  July,  1870. 

GENTLEMEN  : — You  are  already  aware  of  the  entanglement  of  facts 
which  have  brought  about  the  breach  of  peace  with  Prussia.  The 
announcement  which  the  Government  of  the  Emperor  had,  on  the 
15th  inst.,  issued  forth  from  the  tribunal  of  the  corporation  of  great 
nations,  the  exact  contents  of  it  I  have  duly  communicated  to  you, 
has  explained  to  France  and  Europe  the  quick  changes  wrought  in 
a  negotiation  which  had  for  its  purpose  the  preservation  of  peace, 
during  the  management  of  which  the  secret  plans  of  an  adversary, 
determined  to  contract  our  exertions  in  behalf  of  peace,  developed 
themselves,  and  at  the  same  ratio  at  which  we  redoubled  our  efforts 
of  securing  it. 

Be  it  that  the  Berlin  Cabinet  considered  war  necessary  in  order  to 
be  enabled  of  carrying  out  its  old  plans  against  the  independence,  of 
the  German  States,  be  it  that  the  Berlin  Cabinet  was  not  content 
with  possessing,  in  the  very  heart  of  Europe,  a  military  power  which 
had  already  become  extremely  formidable  to  its  neighbors,  and 
was  anxious  of  making  use  of  that  power,  self-evidently  for  the 
purpose  of  deranging  the  international  balance  of  power  in  Europe, 
at  any  rate  the  well  denned  intention  to  refuse  a  positively  necessary 
guarantee  for  our  security  as  well  as  our  honor,  clearly  shows  itself 
throughout  its  demeanor. 

The  following  was  undoubtedly  the  plan  projected  against  us:  Ac 
cording  to  an  agreement  made  with  non-responsible  persons,  it  should 
have  carried  the  result  of  the  measure  directly  to  the  spot,  where  the 
Cortes  were  to  be  suddenly  made  acquainted  with  the  candidature  of 
the  Prussian  Prince.  A  vote  thus  attained  by  surprise  and  forestall 
ing  the  mature  deliberation  of  the  Spanish  people  upon  so  important 
an  event,  should  then  —  such  was  the  hope  —  unanimously  pro 
claim  Prince  Leopold  von  Hohenzollern  the  Heir  to  the  Scepter  of 
Charles  V. 

"  In  this  manner  Europe  would  have  found  itself  confronted  by  an 
"  accomplished  fact,  while  it  indulged  in  speculations  upon  our  con- 
"  stant  readiness  to  advance  the  grand  principle  of  the  sovereignty  of 


56 

C(  peoples.  Therefore,  Europe  expected  that  France  would  stand 
"  firmly  by  that  principle  in  spite  of  her  transient  anger,  when  brought 
''opposite  the  expression  of  a  nation  apparently  real,  for  whom  all 
"  the  world  is  aware  of  our  sympathies. 

"  As  soon  as  it  had  been  informed  of  the  danger,  this  Government 
"  did  not  hesitate  to  inform  the  agents  of  the  country,  as  well  as  all 
"the  European  Cabinets,  of  it;  to  then  counteract  the  manoeuvre,  we 
' '  were  assisted  in  by  public  opinion,  which  became  the  legitimate  ally 
"of  the  Government.  The  impartial  minds  have  nowhere  been  tlis- 
"  appointed  in  regard  to  the  real  state  of  things,  these  quickly  compre- 
"  hended  that  if  it  touched  us  painfully  to  see  Spain  assigned  to  play- 
"  ing  a  role  in  the  exclusive  interest  of  an  ambitious  dynasty,  not  at 
"  all  suitable  to  the  loyalty  of  that  chivalrous  people,  besides  did  so 
"  little  accord  with  the  promptings  and  transfer  of  friendship  which 
"binds  Spain  to  us,  we  could  not  be  expected  to  dissemble  our 
"  constant  esteem  for  the  independence  of  her  national  decisions, 

"  One  has  felt  it  that  the  but  little  scrupulous  policy  of  the  Prus- 
"  sian  Government  played  here  its  part.  That  Government  is  it  in 
"  reality,  which,  not  considering  itself  bound  by  common  right  and 
"  regard  of  the  rules,  to  which  the  wisest  powers  have  possessed  the 
"  wisdom  of  bowing,  has  attempted  to  burden  a  deceived  Europe  with 
"  so  dangerous  an  extension  of  its  influence.  France,  however,  has 
"  taken  the  case  of  the  balance  of  power  in  hand,  viz:  The  case  of 
"all  nations  which  are  jeopardized  by  a  disproportioned  enlargement 
"  of  some  kingly  house. 

"Every  nation,  we  take  a  pleasure  in  so  saying,  is  mistress  of  its 
"  own  destiny.  This  principle,  which  France  has  openly  acknowl- 
"  edged,  has  become  one  of  the  main  laws  of  modern  politics.  But 
"  the  right  of  each  nation,  exactly  the  same  as  the  right  of  every  in- 
"  dividual,  is  kept  in  check  by  the  right  of  another,  and  it  is  forbid- 
"  den  to  a  nation,  under  pretext  of  exercising  its  own  right  of  sover- 
"  eignty,  to  endanger  the  existence  or  the  security  of  a  neighboring 
"one.  In  this  sense  spoke  one  of  our  great  orators,  Mr.  von  Lain- 
"  artiiie,  in  1847:  that  the  moment  the  question  comprised  the  election 
"  of  a  sovereign,  a  government  had  never  the  right  to  demonstrate 
"  demands,  but  it  had  the  right  to  remonstrate  them.  This  doctrine 
"  is  under  circumstances  adhered  to  by  all  cabinets,  and  is  analogous 
"to  the  one  in  which  the  candidature  of  the  Prince  of  Hohenzollern 
"  has  put  us,  and  particularly  to  the  one  of  the  year  1831,  to  the  one 
"  in  the  Belgian  question  of  1830  and  in  the  Greek  question  of  18G2. 
"  In  the  Belgian  question  the  voice  of  all  Europe  was  heard.  The 
"  five  great  powers  decided.  The  three  Courts  which  took  the  Greek 
"  question  in  hand  were  unanimous  among  themselves,  being  guided 


57 

"  by  interests   which    they  had  in  common  with  each  other,  not  to 
"  accept  the  throne  of  Greece  for  one  of  their  princes. 

"  The  Cabinets  of  Paris,  London,  Vienna,  Berlin  and  St.  Peters- 
"  burg,  all  of  which  were  represented  at  the  London  Conference, 
"  made  an  example  of  it;  they  set  it  down  as  a  rule,  when  negotiating 
"  on  questions  affecting  the  peace  of  the  world.  They  did  homage — 
' '  so  solemnly — to  this  great  law  for  the  equilibrium  of  strength,  as 
"  forming  the  basis  of  the  European  political  system.  In  vain  the 
"  Belgian  National  Congress  insisted,  in  spite  of  this  agreement,  to 
"  elect  the  Duke  of  Nemours;  France  adhered  to  its  obligation  and 
"rejected  the  crown,  which  the  Belgian  delegates  had  brought  to 
"  Paris.  But  France  insisted  in  a  like  manner  that  the  candidature 
"  of  the  Duke  of  Leuchtenberg  should  similarly  not  be  accepted. 
"  Likewise  in  Greece,  the  Government  of  France  prevented  the  can- 
"  didature  of  Prince  Alfred  of  England,  and  of  another  candidate, 
"  the  Duke  of  Leuchtenberg. 

"England,  acknowledging  the  weight  of  our  proposition,  declared 

"  at  Athens  that  the  Queen  had  forbidden  her  son  to  accept  the  Crown 

"  of  Greece.     Russia   declared   similarly  in  regard   to  the  Duke  of 

'•Leuchtenberg;  besides,  that  nobleman  does  not  come  within  the 

"  pedigree   of   the    Imperial   family.     Finally,    and  voluntarily,   the 

"  Emperor  Napoleon  declared  his  adhesion  to  these  principles,  and 

"  published  a  note,  on  the  first  of  September,  1860,  in  the  MoniLewr, 

"  in  which  he  refused  the  candidature  of  Prince  Murat  for  the  throne 

"  of  Naples.      Prussia,  which  we  had  not  omitted  of  reminding  of 

"  these  precedents,  appeared  for  a  moment  to  yield  to  our  represen- 

"  tation  ;  Prince  Leopold  declined  the  candidature  ;  one  was  nattered 

"  that  peace  would  not  be  disturbed.     But  this  hope  soon  waned. 

"New  anxieties  arose,  which  increased  to  a  certainty,  that  Prussia, 

"  without  seriously   withdrawing   her   pretensions,  contemplated  to 

"  gain  time.     The  language  upon  the  subject,  as  made  use  of  by  the 

"  head  of  the  family  of  Hohenzollern — first  evasive,  then  decisive  and 

"  haughty — his  refusal  to  adhere  to  the  same  avowed  non-acceptance 

"in  future,  the  treatment  of  our   Charge  d' Affaires,  who   had  been 

"  denied   further    audiences,   disabling  him    from    amicably    arrang- 

"  ing   this  case    as  instructed,   finally  the   publicity   to  which  these 

"  extraordinary  preliminaries  were  exposed  to  in  the  Prussian  news- 

"  papers,  and  which  had  been  given  of  the  same  to  the  various  Cabi- 

"  nets — all  these  consecutive  symptoms  of  hostile  plans  could  not  but 

"  put  aside  every  doubt  in  minds  the  most  partially  inclined.     Is  there 

"  a  mistake  possible,  when  a  Sovereign,  who  can  dispose  of  over  a  mil- 

"  lion  of  soldiers,  and  putting  his  hand  upon  his  sword,  declares  he 

"  will  reserve  to  himself  his  decision,  and  be  guided  by  circumstances 

' '  only  ?     We  have  about  arrived  at  the  utmost  point,  where  a  nation 

6 


58 

"  which  feels  what  it  owes  to  itself  does  not  further  negotiate  for 
"  demands  upon  its  own  honor.  If  these  last  named  proofs  in  this 
"  woeful  controversy  do  not  throw  a  sufficient  light  upon  the  matured 
"  plans  of  the  Berlin  Cabinet,  a  circumstance  will  certainly  do  it,  which 
"  is  far  less  known,  but  which,  nevertheless,  stamps  those  plans  as 
"  real  and  decisive. 

"  The  fact  is,  the  thought  to  put  a  prince  of  Holienzollern  upon  the 
"throne  of  Spain  was  not  a  new  one.  Already,  in  March,  1869,  we 
' '  had  been  given  to  understand,  by  our  Charge  d* Affaires  at  Berlin,  that 
' '  such  a  thought  existed .  We  authorized  him  to  explain  to  Count 
"  Bismarck  how  we,  the  Imperial  Government,  would  view  such 
"  eventuality.  Count  Benedetti  had  made  it  known  in  several  conver- 
' '  satioiis  which  he  had  upon  the  subject  with  the  Chancellor  of  the 
"  North  German  Union,  as  well  as  with  the  Under  Secretary  of  State, 
"  that  we  could  not  permit  it  that  a  Prussian  prince  should  succeed  in 
"  reigning  on  the  other  side  of  the  Pyrenees. 

"  Count  Bismarck  on  his  part  declared  that  we  had  it  not  necessary 
"  to  busy  ourselves  with  a  combination  which  he  himself  considered 
"  inexecutable  ;  and  later,  at  a  time  when  the  Chancellor  happened  to  be 
"  absent,  and  Count  Benedetti  thought  it  a  good  moment  to  express 
"  himself  unbelievingly  and  pressiugly,  Mr.  Von  Thiele  had  given  his 
"  word  of  honor  that  the  Prince  of  Hohenzollern  was  not  in  earnest  a 
"  candidate  for  the  Spanish  throne,  nor  could  he  become  one. 

"If  one  should  draw  into  doubt  the  veracity  and  truthfulness  of 
1 '  such  explicit  official  assurances,  all  diplomatic  intercourse  would 
"  cease  to  be  the  pledge  of  European  peace,  and  be  nothing  but  a 
"  snare  and  a  danger.  As  soon  as  our  Charge  d' Affaires  conimuni- 
"  cated  those  declarations  to  us  without  reserve,  the  Imperial  Gov- 
"  eminent  considered  itself  as  notified  to  interpret  the  same  favorably. 
"  It  has  been  constrained  to  draw  into  doubt  the  good  belief  of  this 
"  assurance  up  to  the  moment  when  this  combination  suddenly 
"  revealed  itself,  which  evidently  is  the  contrary  to  the  same.  TJnex- 
"  pectedly  retiring  from  the  word  given  to  us,  without  even  the  at- 
"  tempt  to  release  herself  from  an  obligation,  Prussia  has  prepared  for 
"  us  a  real  disappointment.  Informed  of  the  value  which  the  most 
' '  formal  assurances  of  Prussian  statesmen  possess,  we  considered  it  a 
"  peremptory  duty  in  future  incumbent  upon  us,  of  asking  a  guarantee 
"  for  our  honesty,  which  should  secure  us  against  a  new  attempt  of 
"  disrespect.  We  therefore  were  obliged  to  do  as  we  have  done,  viz., 
"  to  insist  upon  receiving  a  security  which  should  be  definitive  and 
"  earnest,  and  not  full  of  reserves,  as  the  former. 

"  It  is  evident  that  the  Court  of  Berlin  bears  the  responsibility  for 
"  the  war  from  a  time  previous  to  the  combination,  while  it  had  all 


59 

"  the  means  at  its  disposal  of  avoiding  it,  but  insisted  upon  having. 
"  And  under  what  circumstances  has  it  sought  the  strife? 

"  After  France  had,  during  four  years,  given  proofs  of  an  unalter- 
"  able  moderation, — after  she  had  abstained  with  an  anxiety  perhaps 
"  carried  too  far  from  reminding  the  Prussian  Government  of  the 
"  treaties  which  had  been  made  by  intervention  of  the  Emperor,  the 
"  international  disregard  discernible  in  all  the  acts  of  said  Govern- 
"  ment  clearly  demonstrates  that  it  already  intended  to  rid  itself  of  the 
"  same  when  it  signed  the  contract. 

"  Europe  bears  witness  to  our  conduct,  and  has  had  time  to  com- 
"  pare  that  of  Prussia.  To-day  it  may  pronounce  its  veto  on  the  jus- 
"  tice  of  our  cause.  Whatever  may  be  the  fate  of  battles,  we  expect, 
"  without  disquietude,  the  judgment  of  contemporaries,  as  well  as  that 
"  of  the  future. 

"  Pray  accept  the  assurance  of,  etc.,  etc/, 

"  GRAMMONT. " 

This  remarkable  document,  the  sophistry  and  illusive  surmises  as 
to  consequence  of  the  contents  of  which  an  unpreposessed  mind  can 
easily  grasp,  was  vigorously  reinforced  by  two  proclamations  which 
were  no  less  noticeable,  one  of  which  was  directed  to  the  French 
people.  I  shall  here  produce  and  comment  upon  both.  The  procla 
mation  to  the  French  people  reads  as  follows  : 

"  There  are,  during  the  existence  of  a  nation,  solemn  moments  : 
"when  the  honor  of  a  nation,  violently  assailed,  rises,  Avith  an  irre- 
"  sistable  might,  when  it  commands  all  other  interests,  and  manages 
"  alone  and  directly  the  fate  of  the  nation.  One  of  those  decisive 
"  moments  is  the  ^resent  one  for  France.  Prussia,  which  we  have 
"  shown  the  most  forgiving  sentiments  to  during  the  war  of  18(j(),  has 
"  ever  since  taken  no  notice  at  all  of  our  good  will  and  forbear- 
"  ance.  Impetuously  pursuing  its  course  of  conquests  it  has  given 
"  reasons  for  mistrustfulness;  made  everywhere  excessive  armaments 
"necessary;  transforming  Europe  into  a  military  camp,  in  which 
"  apprehension  prevails. 

"  The  glorious  nag  which  we  once  more  unfurl  to  those  who  pro- 
"  vokes  us,  is  the  same  which  has  carried  the  civilizing  ideas  of  our 
"  great  revolution  all  over  Europe  ;  it  represents  the  same  ideas  ;  it 
"  will  inspire  the  same  feeling*  of  devotion.  Frenchmen,  I  am  ready 
"  to  place  myself  at  the  head  of  this  brave  army,  which  is  imbued 
"  with  a  keen  sense  of  duty,  and  animated  by  its  love  of  France;  the 
"  army  knows  its  own  worth,  for  it  has  seen  how,  in  four  divisions  of 
"  the  globe,  victory  accompanied  its  footsteps.  I  take  my  son  with 
"  me,  notwithstanding  his  youthfulness  he  understands  the  duties 
"  which  his  name  demands  of  him  ;  he  is  proud  of  being  permitted 
"  to  share  the  dangers  of  those  who  fight  for  France.  A  last  inter- 


60 

"  veiling  event  1ms  been  added,  which  brings  more  fully  to  light  the 
"  changebleness  of  international  relations,  showing  the  full  earnest- 
"  ness  of  the  situation.  Opposite  the  new  pretensions  of  Prussia  are 
"  our  reinforcements.  One  has  despised  them,  followed  by  atesti- 
"fied  contempt.  Our  country  has  been  deeply  incensed  in  conse- 
"  quence,  and  the  war-cry  heard  from  one  end  of  France  to  the  other. 
:<  Nothing  is  now  left  to  us  but  to  let  our  fate  be  decided  by  force  of 
"  arms.  We  do  not  wage  war  against  Germany,  the  independence  of 
"  which  we  respect.  We  have  the  wish  that  the  people  of  whom  the 
"  German  Union  is  composed  may,  of  their  own  free  will,  decide  in 
"  tins  case.  We  ourselves  require  a  state  of  things  which  guarantees 
"  our  security  and  our  future.  We  want  to  attain  to  a  lasting  peace. 
"  God  will  bless  our  exertions.  A  great  people  defending  a  just  cause 
"  are  invincible. 

"  NAPOLEON." 

It  is  interesting  to  observe  how  groundless  reproaches  against  Prus 
sia,  over-estimation  of  their  own  actions,  and  general  egotism  are 
harmoniously  blended  together  for  the  purpose  of  producing  a  sem 
blance  of  a  substance,  palatable  to  French  military  vanity.  In  regard 
to  the  praised  forbearance  of  France  we  now  find  out  its  source  :  the 
hope  of  enlarging  her  territory  ;  the  ' '  victories  in  four  divisions  of 
"the  globe."  It  might  be  useful  to  remember  that  Napoleon  III 
did  not  obtain  one  without  allies  ;  as  soon  as  he  fought  alone  he 
did  not  achieve  anything,  which  the  events  in  Mexico  have  clearly 
shown,  and  this  present  war  still  more  so.  How  little  correct  the 
assurance  is  that  the  war-cry  was  heard  from  one  end  of  France  to 
the  other,  is  best  attested  by  the  demands  for  peace  from  Nizza  and 
Bordeaux,  and  by  the  remarks  from  Michelet  and  Louis  Blanc  in 
newspapers.  Those  of  Louis  Blanc  may  serve  as  an  example. 

He  wrote  to  the  Rappel:*"  .  .  .  .  Be  it  well  understood  that  this 
"  war  to  which  we  are  driven  by  the  martial  spirit  of  honest  minds, 
"  betrayed  by  the  martial  spirit  of  knavish  souls,  is  entered  into  on 
"  the  one  side  to  make  despotism  stronger  than  liberty,  and  011  the 
"  other  side  to  cover  the  lack  of  success  of  a  Napoleonic  dynasty  and 
"  adjust  the  damage  done  at  the  expense  of  France.  A  double  reason 
"  to  be  on  guard  and  to  prevent  it!  The  Union  of  Germany  is,  nev- 
"  ertheless,  a  danger.  I  repeat,  that  this  Union,  difficult  and  slow 
' '  as  it  can  be  effected  in  times  of  peace ,  will  instantly  be  consolidated 
"  when  the  war  trumpet  sounds.  Put  Germany  under  threats  of  war, 
"  one  may  rely  on  it — she  will  rise  to  a  man.  Don't  speak  any  more 
"  of  annihilating  Prussia,  but  reflect  upon  annihilating  Germany.  A 
"terrible  shock,  that  of  the  Latin  and  Germanic  races,  a  shock  in 
"  which  we,  a  Latin  nation,  would,  strange  to  say,  have  Latin  nations 


61 

ce  arraigned  against  us — a  shock  which  would  sow  enmities  for  ever, 
"  and  carry  civilization  back  a  century,  perhaps  two.  That  it  is  which 
"  is  demanded  of  France,  to  that  she  shall  allow  herself  to  be  driven, 
"  under  the  pretext  that  the  vanity  of  some  diplomatist  is  tanta- 
"  mount  to  the  dignity  of  the  nation;  and  for  what  purpose?  it  is 
"  barely  concealed;  of  giving  the  baptismal  of  glory  to  the  supposed 
"  heir  to  the  throne!  Great  people  of  France!  is  it  possible  that  one 
' '  dares  to  count  upon  a  harrassed  mind  to  such  an  extent  ?  dares  to 
"  ensnare  your  bravery  to  such  a  degree  ?" 

The  language  of  many  others  in  the  newspapers  conveys  pretty  much 
the  same  meaning,  as  the  words  of  Louis  Blanc,  demanding  peace  in 
the  most  determined  manner,  and  shows  the  power  of  republicanism. 

Finally,  the  reproaches  against  Prussia  of  her  desire  for  conquest, 
her  insatiable  ambition,  etc.,  etc.,  those  are  as  old  and  unfounded  as 
they  are  unproved,  and  if  she  is  particularly  reproached  because  of 
having  lately  enlarged  her  territory,  it  is  not  to  be  forgotten  that 
Prussia  was  menaced  in  her  very  existence,  during  the  war  with  Aus 
tria,  by  the  hostility  of  Hanover  and  other  States,  and  the  artful 
devises  of  jealous  adversaries,  among  whom  France  was  by  no  means 
the  smallest  one.  Besides,  Prussia  had  been  previously  put  at  the 
Congress  of  1815,  in  a  position,  the  natural  condition  and  doubtful 
ness  of  which,  was  such  as  to  sooner  or  later  predict  a  rupture  or  a 
radical  change  in  the  destiny  of  Prussia,  lest  she  should  have  had  to 
rue  complete  annihilation. 

Herein  consisted  the  impetus,  germinating  the  power,  which,  since  1815 
has  produced  all  these  events,  and  which  is  not  to  be  attributed  to  vainglo 
rious  ambition,  or  a  desire  for  conquest,  which  the  ivorld  has  been  made 
to  fancifully  believe  as  having  alone  actuated  the  policy  of  Prussia,  but 
to  self-preservation  through  self-defense  and  the  true  belief  in  God  and 
themselves. 

The  second  document  commences  with  the  same  words  as  the  first, 
so  that  it  might  be  inferred  it  has  had  the  same  author,  it  is  by  no 
means  less  noticeable  than  the  first,  and  reads  as  follows: 

'  There  are  during  the  existence  of  a  nation  solemn  moments  when 
"  God  affords  them  an  opportunity  of  showing  who  they  are,  and 
"  what  they  can  do.  One  of  those  moments  has  come  for  France! 
"  One  has  often  had  the  opinion  that  the  great  nation,  so  resolute  in 
"  attack,  did  not  well  know  how  to  bear  misfortune.  What  now 
"  developes  itself  before  our  eyes  resents  the  calumny  with  falsity. 
'  The  bearing  of  the  population  shows  no  discouragement;  on  the  con- 
"  trary,  a  patriotic  fierceness  towards  the  aggressors  of  France,  who 
"  shall  here  find  their  graves.  All  Frenchmen  shall  rise  to  a  man.  They 
"  will  remember  their  ancestors  and  think  of  those  who  shall  follow. 
"  Behind  them  centuries  of  glory,  before  them  a  future  full  of  liberty 


62 

"  and  power,  which  their  heroism  shall  create.  Never  before  has 
"  France  shown  her  noble  pride  and  the  strength  of  ner  national 
' l  character  in  such  an  equally  great  and  imposing-  manner.  Every- 
' '  body  full  of  enthusiasm  exclaims :  To  arms !  to  conquer  or  die !  While 
"  our  soldiers  heroically  defend  the  soil  of  the  country,  Europe  is 
ie  justly  full  of  anxiety  in  regard  to  (he  successes  of  Prussia.  One  does 
11  not  know  how  far  the  ambition  of  that  insatiable  power  may  carry  it, 
"  should  a  final  triumph  make  it  still  more  presumptive. 

"It  is  an  unchangeable  law  of  history  that  every  nation  which  dis- 
11  turbs  the  general  balance  of  po\ver  by  its  extraordinary  success,  is 
"  awakening  a  reaction  consequent  upon  those  very  victories,  and  cre- 
"  ates  for  itself  the  enmity  of  all  other  nations.  It  cannot  fail  that 
"  this  truth  shall  now  again  be  confirmed  by  facts.  So  especially  con- 
"  sidered. 

"  Who,  then,  after  all,  is  interested  in  a  reconstruction  of  a  German 
"Empire?  Who,  after  all,  can  wish  that  the  North  Sea  and  the 
"  Baltic  become  Prussian  lakes  ?  Is  it,  perhaps,  Sweden,  Norway,  and 
"  Denmark,  which  the  triumph  of  Prussia  would  annihilate?  or  is  it 
"  Russia,  whose  interest  it  is,  more  than  any  other  power,  to  protect 
"  the  equilibrium  of  the  North  against  the  advance  of  a  compact  Ger- 
"  many?  Is  it,  perhaps,  England,  which  as  a  great  naval  power  and 
"  protector  of  Denmark,  is  obliged  to  protest  against  further  pro- 
"  gress  in  the  formation  of  the  Prussian  marine?  Is  it,  perhaps,  Hol- 
"  land,  which  has  been  long  enough  threatened  by  the  intrigues  of 
' '  Bismarck  ? 

"  In  regard  to  Austria,  the  reconstruction  of  the  German  Empire 
"  by  the  house  of  Hohenzollern,  would  be  the  most  dangerous  blow 
"  dealt  not  only  to  the  dynasty  of  the  Hapsburgs,  but  to  the  very 
"  existence  of  an  Austro-Hungarian  monarchy.  Prussia  would  surely 
"  endeavor  to  make  promises  to  the  Cabinet  of  Vienna,  but  one  knows 
"  what  belief  to  attach  to  the  words  of  Bismarck.  A  proffered  guaran- 
"•  tee,  of  whatever  nature,  could  never  be  stronger  than  the  ties  which 
"  have  bound  Prussia  to  the  former  German  Union,  and,  notwith- 
"  standing  which,  Prussia,  unmindful  of  her  obligations,  has  rented  in 
"  such  a  violent  manner.  A  definitive  triumph  of  the  house  of  Hoheii- 
"  zollerii  would  be  for  Italy  no  less  deplorable  than  for  Austria.  A 
"  German  Empire  would  seek  to  provide  for  itself,  at  all  costs, 
"  countries  bordering  upon  the  sea,  as  well  in  the  South  as  in  the 
"  North.  It  would  covet  possession  of  Venice,  Triest,  as  well  as  Am- 
"  sterdam.  Thus,  the  regeneration  of  Italy  would  be  in  danger,  as 
"  well  as  Austria  and  Holland. 

"  We  appeal  to  the  Governments  and  the  nations  of  Europe  to  tear 
"  Europe  off  the  grasp  of  Piussiaii  despotism,  in  order  that  they 
11  may  be  able  to  assist  us,  by  alliances  and  sympathies,  to  protect  the 


63 

"  European  balance  of  power.  In  England,  Denmark,  and  Sweden 
"  there  are  already  signs  of  such  a  turn.  Austria  and  Italy  have  com- 
"  meiiced  to  arm.  Our  patriotism  is  proof  against  all  dangers.  The 
"  more  seriously  the  circumstances,  the  greater  the  energy  the  nation 
"shall  display." 

That  what  especially  rivets  the  attention  of  the  aforesaid  document 
is  not  the  pass'itx,  which  places  Prussia  as  an  insatiably  ambitious 
power  in  Europe,  which  should  be  fully  feared,  and  which  accusation 
serves  but  as  a  somewhat  modified  repetition  of  what  had  been 
advanced  in  the  previous  document ;  but  the  ^assws  in  which  the  ques 
tion  is  put  and  answered — who  it  is  that  after  all  is  interested  in  the 
restoration  of  a  German  Empire  V  The  answer,  of  course,  is :  "  nobody/' 

On  the  contrary,  all  are  interested  that  such  a  consolidation  should 
not  be  realized  ;  in  other  words,  that  Germany  should  remain  weak 
and  disunited  as  in  times  of  yore.  One  has  denominated  this  passus 
in  diplomatic  circles  :  a  mendicancy  of  France  to  obtain  alliances,  and 
justly  so  ;  for  that  is  its  version  from  the  one  side.  But  the  purpose 
of  it  is  by  no  means  thereby  exhausted.  On  the  contrary,  the  more 
important  and  extensively  versified  portion  of  that  passus  has  not 
therein  even  been  touched.  This  passus  expresses  on  the  one  side  the 
apprehension  of  France  of  a  change  in  affairs  as  inaugurated  previ 
ously  to  18(54,  and  which  the  Moniteur  calls  "  normal,"  viz.,  predicting 
the  destruction  of  the  supremacy  of  France  presumptively  exercised 
over  the  European  continent  ever  since  the  days  of  Louis  XIV,  and 
of  the  possibility  of  a  future  cessation  of  the  supremacy  of  England 
in  the  European  waters  through  the  full  development  of  the  strength 
of  Germany.  The  "  enteinte  cordiale"  between  France  and  Great 
Britain,  of  which  so  much  was  made,  rested  in  its  exact  meaning  upon 
the  thoughts  to  strengthen  by  mutual  action  the  supremacy  of  both 
in  Europe,  for  the  purpose  of  keeping  it  at  bay,  for  the  execution  of 
which  strategy  it  became,  however,  absolutely  necessary  that  Ger 
many  remained  disunited,  and  consequently  weak  and  powerless. 

This  "enteinte  cordiale"  cooled  off  when  Great  Britain  thought  it 
detected  other  purposes  on  the  part  of  France,  which  were  directed 
towards  absorbing  from  England,  at  a  fit  opportunity,  her  share  of 
the  supremacy  at  sea,  which  thought  matured  in  English  opinion  by 
France  constantly  strengthening  her  fortifications  at  Cherbourg,  be 
sides  noticing  the  considerable  increase  of  her  navy,  as  there  was  no 
other  nation  in  Europe  but  England  against  which  such  hostile  pre 
parations  of  magnitude  might  be  warranted  to  be  so  developed  in 
embryo.  The  pointed  hints  which  Napoleon  III  threw  out  with  refer 
ence  to  and  in  anticipation  of  a  successful  realization  of  the  assiduous 
and  indefatigable  exertions  of  Prussia  striving  to  form  a  German  Em- 


64 

pire,  should  serve  to  stimulate  the  commercial  ambition  as  well  as 
awaken  the  suspicion  of  Great  Britain.  Of  course,  his  purpose  was 
to  again  attract  that  great  moral  power  to  the  modern  alliance,  so  as 
to  cosily  hide  his  mischievous  connivings  before  the  world*  How,  in 
1855,  so  shortly  after  his  ascension  to  the  throne  as  a  revenging  spectre 
of  his  uncle,  he  ever  succeeded  in  duping  England  to  such  an  extent 
as  to  induce  that  stern  power  to  completely  untomb  at  St.  Helena  the 
shade  of  Napoleon  I,  in  the  eyes  of  the  Holy  alliance,  is  more  than 
history  will  ever  draw  information  of  and  fathom  from  blue  books. 

Similar  purposes  should  the  addresses  serve,  which  Napoleon  trans 
mitted  to  the  other  nations  of  Europe,  as  mentioned  in  the  aforesaid 
document,  leaving  nothing  further  to  remark  but  that  those  were  of 
as  feeble  a  nature  as  they  were  frivolous.  He  simply  relied  011  the 
feeling  of  awe,  which  pervaded  all  Europe,  and  which  the  wars  of  his 
uncle  had  bequeathed  to  him  as  a  very  serviceable  legacy.  The 
French  nation  forsaking  in  1848,  the  Eepublic,  relied  upon  the  talis 
man  of  the  name  Napoleon  as  creating  a  reality,  expecting  nothing- 
short  of  a  repetition  of  a  victorious  run  through  Europe.  The  battle 
of  Sadowa,  therefore,  ignited  the  martial  spirit  of  the  French,  and 
throwing  themselves  upon  Napoleon,  forced  him  to  the  mad  attempt 
of  this  war.  It  shows  that  the  world  never  went  beyond  antecedents, 
and  with  Indian  fierceness  and  ignorance  failed  to  consider  that  the 
foe  of  barbarity,  the  ABC  book,  had  been  about  and  at  work.  Natu 
rally  they  all  have  found  it  out  by  this  time,  that  the  combined  war 
like  hordes  of  the  world  could  not  now  conquer  Germany,  monarchi 
cal  though  she  yet  is,  having  but  lately  been  freed  from  political 
shackles,  which  of  course  prevented  her  of  doing  the  republic. 

The  same  school-book  will  affix  itself  to  the  bravest  soldier  holding 
fire-arms  in  self-defense,  as  David  slew  Goliah,  strip  wars  of  their 
glory  by  the  scientific  process  of  extermination  and  additional  moral 
courage,  until  all  mankind  shall  disarm  and  live  law-abidingly,  peace 
fully  and  happily. 

As  many  proofs  more  could  be  shown  and  defended  in  favor  of  an 
accomplishment  of  the  endeavor  to  form  a  strong  German  empire, 
and  that  such  a  power  could  not  but  exercise  a  beneficial  influence 
upon  the  peace  and  liberty  of  Europe.  In  fact,  Germany  owes  her 
present  success  to  her  clear-headedness  which  defines  to  her  the  duty 
of  absorbing  upon  civilized  grounds  of  humanity  and  charitableness, 
all  other  strayed-off  German  elements,  monarchical  alienated,  besides 
Alsace  and  Lorraine  in  due  avail  of  her  physical  powers  if  made  rea 
sonably  necessary. 

As  it  is  this  enlightened  feeling  which  pervades  her  actions  in  this 
war,  not  a  feudal  delight  to  cripple  her  adversary,  she  will  not  dis 
continue  uniting  the  remainder  of  Germanic  races  at  once.  She  has 


G5 

been  signally  crowned  with  immediate  success  in  this  war,  at  the  same 
time  ridding  herself  and  Europe  of  the  glare  of  igneous  firebrands 
of  war  in  a  feudal  sense. 

She  will  now  continue  in  a  friendly  manner  to  first  induce  Austria 
andEussia  to  act  humanely  just,  and  give  up  the  Germans  and  not 
thwart  the  happiness  of  millions  of  people  now  forlorn  and  alien. 

The  land  which  said  aliens  at  present  occupy,  shall  by  Germany  be 
most  liberally  bought  and  paid  for. 

Speedily  accomplished  either  way,  peaceably  or  by  main  force,  she 
shall  have  received  twofold  blessings;  the  exquisiteiiess  of  conscience, 
of  having  performed  her  duty  to  the  fatherland,  and  the  impossibil 
ity  of  a  re-occurrence  of  war,  especially  with  France,  should  the 
master  spirit  of  faith  be  there  once  more  overruled,  and  the  republic 
be  a  third  time  made  a  sham,  which  republic  alone  places  France  to 
day  next  to  the  "United  States  of  America  in  general  importance  of 
the  civilization  of  the  world,  attained  so  far.  The  republic  shall 
eventually  intimately  befriend  France  with  Germany,  if  the  latter 
country  continues  to  prove  its  wisdom  by  at  all  times  of  the  future 
assisting  the  French  people  in  never  permitting;  a  monarch  to  again 
rule  over  France,  plunge  the  world  into  agony  and  the  French  nation 
into  moral  and  political  retrogradation. 

Secondly,  and  especially  important,  is  the  document,  because  it 
expresses  the  leading  opinions  of  all  the  European  nations  in  regard 
to  the  Union  of  Germany,  as  so  considered  at  least  by  France.  It  is 
a  French  opinion,  from  a  party  stand-point,  therefore  one-sided,  not 
withstanding  there  is  much  truth  in  it  worth  noticing  and  to  be 
reflected  upon. 

Thirdly,  and  finally,  the  document  points  out  the  means  of  which 
Napoleon  III  availed  himself  in  order  to  attain  to  his  end  with  the 
nations  he  has  mentioned;  they  consisted  of  suspicion,  an  awakening 
distrust  and  general  mischievous  talk  of  results  already  gained,  or 
to  be  so  nearly.  As  a  set-off  to  such  damaging  insinuations,  one  may 
simply  remember  the  conduct  of  the  European  nations,  as  shown 
throughout  this  matter,  in  order  to  realize  the  weak  ground  from 
which  the  wrong-fulness  of  French  insinuations  had  been  produced. 
The  trouble  is  that  France,  with  but  thirty-six  millions  of  popula 
tion  and  no  more,  feels  that  she  has  far  less  population  than  a  United 
Germany  has,  comprising  the  Germanic  race  on  the  continent  of 
Europe  sure  to  unite  ere  very  long.  From  nowhere  has  a  voice  been 
heard  which  justified  the  proceedings  of  France,  or  sanctioned  the 
motives  for  the  war.  Everywhere  Napoleon's  manner  has  been  most 
severely  censured,  and  instead  of  having  served  him  as  a  moral  assist 
ance,  as  he  boasts  of,  it  has  been  transferred  to  the  Germans  as  pro 
voked  to  war  because  attacked,  and  has  been  gladly  accorded  and 
7 


66 

avowed  by  all  nations,  with  the  exception  of  the  Scandinavians,  equally 
troubled  as  France,  for  the  very  same  reasons  of  a  minority  of  popu 
lation,  compared  with  the  Union  of  the  Germans. 

Previously  to  the  commencement  of  actual  hostilities  at  the  time 
when  the  German  Diet  was  about  to  adjourn  at  Berlin,  Count  Bis 
marck  entered  and  issued  the  following  manifest  : 

"  It  has  been  my  intention  to  lay  before  you  the  documents  in  con- 
"  secutive  order,  which  are  in  the  hands  of  the  Government,  and 
"  refer  to  the  origin  of  the  dispute  with  France.  I  expect  these  doc- 
"  uments  every  moment.  For  the  present  I  have  but  to  explain  that 
"  the  collection  is  very  meagre.  We  have  received  in  this  whole 
"  affair  but  one  official  communication,  and  that  is  the  declaration  of 
"  war  [motion j.  That  is  the  only  official  document* which  has  at  all 
"  been  transmitted  to  us  by  the  French  Government.  In  regard  to 
"  it,  all  conversation  which  Count  Benedetto,  in  his  capacity  as  Charge 
"  d' Affaires,  had  upon  the  subject  with  the  King,  privately  and  at  the 
"  Springs  of  Ems: — 

"  Likewise  all  definitions  which  one  has  attempted  to  force  in  that 
"  way,  and  which,  perhaps  would  have  been  so  forced  if  His  Majesty 
"  had  been  less  manly  and  firm  of  character  than  he  is,  would  always 
c '  have  been  considered  personal  expressions  which  the  Monarch  would 
"  have  confirmed  in  a  different  manner,  if  that  had  been  his  earnest 
"will. 

"  After  having  said  this  in  advance,  I  take  the  liberty  of  throwing  a 
short  glance  at  those  other  documents,  which  were  produced  after  the 
affair  could  not  any  longer  be  peaceably  arranged,  simply  to  explain 
to  the  other  Governments  how  this  case  developed  itself.  In  the 
order  here  given,  these  communications  contain  the  particular  news 
paper  telegram  already  known,  which  the  French  Ministry  consider  as 
the  real  cause  of  the  war,  for  the  reason  that  one  has  attached  to  it 
the  importance  of  a  "  note  "  by  which  the  French  Cabinet  fancies 
itself  to  have  been  deceived.  [Hear  !  Hear !]  I  shall  not  go  to  the 
trouble  of  explaining  what  is  meant  by  "  notes."  For  all  those  at  all 
acquainted  with  diplomacy  it  is  enough  to  understand  that  "  newspa 
per  telegrams  "  cannot  be  qualified  and  become  "  notes."  The  gen 
tlemen  then  have  taken  good  care  not  to  produce  the  said  document, 
[Hear  !  Hear  !]  for  everything  would  have  been  considered  as  naught 
upon  the  contents  of  the  document  becoming  known.  The  second 
and  third  documents  are  those  already  known  through  the  newspa 
pers,  referring  to  the  authenticated  occurrences  at  Ems.  Then, 
fourthly,  a  dispatch  from  Baron  v.  Werther,  dated  Paris,  twelfth  July. 
That  one,  at  least,  is  an  official  document,  exchanged  between  Prus 
sian  authorities,  and  not  between  Prussia  and  France.  In  this  dis 
patch  there  are  the  contents  given  of  a  conversation  which  Barron  v. 


67 

Werther  had  had  with  the  French  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs,  and  at 
the  same  time  with  the  Minister  of  Justice,  Monsieur  Ollivier.  In  this 
dispatch  we  are  made  acquainted  with  the  unacceptable  demand  of  a 
letter  of  apology  [Laughter]  which  the  King  should  have  to  write.  I 
have,  hereupon,  answered  the  Charge,  d'A/faircs  nothing  more  than 
that  he  could  not  but  have  misunderstood  the  wishes  of  the  French 
Government,  as  they  had  appeared  to  ine  impossible.  I  do  not  con 
sider  myself  justified  to  lay  before  the  King — demands  of  that  sort. 
[Bravo  !]  I  wrote  to  the  Representative  he  might  ask  of  the  French 
Government  to  put  their  demand  in  form,  and  to  have  it  here  offi 
cially  presented  through  their  Charge  d' Affairs.  The  fifth  is  the  cir 
cular  of  the  eighteenth  of  July,  and  the  sixth  the  dispatch  from 
the  English  Government  to  intervene.  The  seventh  is  the  response 
of  the  Chancellor  of  the  North  German  Union,  which  has  not  as 
yet  been  made  known  to  the  House. 

"  Count  Bismarck  read  the  reply,  from  which  it  appears  that 
although  the  proposition  of  an  intervention  had  been  gratefully 
acknowledged,  and  nothing  would  have  been  rejected  which  might 
have  enhanced  the  security  for  an  acceptable  basis  of  peace,  yet, 
one  was  now  no  longer  in  a  position  to  avail  oneself  of  the  initiative, 
after  having  unofficially  heard  that  France  had  already  declined  the 
intervention  of  England,  because  such  a  step  would  be  misunderstood 
by  the  Germans,  whose  national  pride  had  been  wounded  by  the 
threats  of  France.  The  gentlemen  might  rest  assured  that  the  For 
eign  Office  of  the  North  German  Union  had  not  been  one  moment 
remiss  in  advising  moderation  and  quiet, 

' '  Upon  this  follows  the  French  version  of  the  declaration  of  war, 
of  which  the  translation  into  German  is  already  known,  and  then  a 
circular  to  the  Ambassadors  of  the  North  German  Union,  which  ex 
plains  the  causes  from  which  originated  the  war,  and  the  manner  in 
which  we  treat  the  affair.  [Lively  applause.]  The  documents  shall, 
after  the  close  of  this  session,  be  immediately  handed  over  by  the 
Chancellor  of  the  North  German  Union  to  the  President  of  the  House, 
and  then  published  in  the  daily  papers." 

Thereupon  the  session  was  declared  closed  by  the  President,  and 
when  afterwards  resumed,  Bismarck  explained  : 

GENTLEMEN  : — The  three  Presidents  of  the  Diet  have  been  permitted 
already,  shortly  after  noon,  to  transmit  to  the  King  the  addresses  which 
had  been  decided  upon  this  forenoon.  His  Majesty  ordered  the 
addresses  to  be  read  to  him,  and  then  directed  iis  in  his  name  to 
express  to  the  House  his  most  sincere  and  grateful  thanks;  for  as  the 
King  literally  said :  "  The  beautiful  and  ennobling  expressions  of  devo 
tion  to  the  German  Fatherland."  [Here  the  whole  house  rose.]  In 
this  declaration  so  unanimously  decided  upon,  the  King  recognizes 


68 

likewise  a  pledge  for  the  final  and  complete  success  of  the  great 
tasks  which  lie  before  him  and  before  us.  He  likewise  found  his  full 
confidence  confirmed  that  the  nation  would  never  cease  to  pursue 
those  aforesaid  tasks  with  unrelenting  perseverance.  [Lively  ap 
plause.] 

In  order  to  more  lucidly  explain  the  declaration  of  the  Diet,  we 
may  as  well  here  produce  the  newspaper  telegram,  to  which  the 
Chancellor  refers,  and  which  the  French  Minister  valued  as  a  "note" 
and  reasoned  that  therefrom  had  emanated  the  actual  cause  of  the 
war. 

'"'After  the  advices  of  the  refusal  of  the  hereditary  Prince  of 
"  Hohenzollern  had  been  officially  transmitted  by  the  Spanish  to  the 
"  Imperial  French  Government,  the  French  Charge  d' Affaires  had 
"  demanded  of  the  King  of  Prussia,  at  Ems,  that  the  King  should 
"  authorize  him  to  telegraph  to  Paris,  that  he  pledged  himself  for  all 
"  future  not  to  give  his  sanction  to  such  an  alternative  of  acceptance, 
"  should  a  Prince  of  Hohenzollern  again  return  to  the  candidature. 
"  The  King  hereupon  declined  to  further  receive  the  French  Charge 
"  d' Affaires,  and  had  sent  him  word  through  his  Aid-de-camp  on  duty, 
"  that  he  had  nothing  further  to  communicate  to  him." 

On  the  21st  of  July  the  Chancellor  again  adjourned  the  Diet, 
because  in  one  respect  the  purpose  for  its  assembling  had  been  real 
ized,  and  in  the  other,  the  Government,  in  consequence  of  the  pres 
sure  of  events,  had  now  to  direct  its  attention  to  other  more  import 
ant  matters,  especially  the  necessary  preparations  for  the  war  about 
to  commence,  the  more  obligatory  as  the  time  for  their  completion 
had  been  but  tardily  given.  The  most  important  point  of  all  was,  of 
course,  the  arming  of  the  troops  in  the  shortest  possible  time,  which 
succeeded  so  happily  and  speedily,  thanks  to  the  admirable  efficiency 
of  the  army  organization,  that  it  became  impossible  for  the  French 
to  surprise  the  Germans. 


FART  THE   THIRD. 


THE    PROVISIONAL    BATTLE-GROUND. 


The  German-French  Frontier  is  divided  into  two  entirely  distinct 
parts.    From  Basle  in  Switzerland,  to  Lanterburg,  a  distance  of  twenty- 
two  and  a  half  miles  (one  German  mile  is  equal  to  four  and  a  quarter 
English),  the  Khine  forms  the  frontier,  while  the  Bavarian  palatinate 
of  the  Rhine,  and  the  Prussian  province  of  the  Ehine  commence  at 
Lauterburg  to  be  the  neighbors  of  Ifraiice.    The  Rhine  along  its  right 
— the  German — bank,  is  accompanied  as  far  as  Lauterberg  by  the  heav 
ily  timbered  mountain  ridges  of  the  so-called  "Black  Forest."   These 
stretch  nearly  down  to  the  banks  of  the  river,  and  continue  so  nearly 
down  from  Schlingen.     From  there  mountains  extend  off  the  river  at 
a  distance  of  about  one  to  two  German  miles,  forming  the  fertile  val 
ley  of  the  Ehine.    The  discontinuation  of  the  Black  Forest  from  these 
plains  is  quite  abrupt  and  bluff.     The  Black  Forest  at  the  upper  end, 
as  far  as  the  River  Murg,  appears  as  a  rugged  and  almost  impenetra 
ble  fastness,  over  the  summit  of  which  but  few  paths  lead.     Length 
ways  along  the  summit  the  mountain  roads  are  almost  impassable,  so 
that  the  Black  Forest  there  may  be  considered  a  heavy  obstacle  to 
all  military  operations.     Its  breadth  from  Muhlheim  to  Blumberg  is 
ten  German  miles,  although  in  the  north  it  loses  of  its  breadth  as 
well  as  elevation,  footing  up  but  six  and  a  half  miles  between  Frei 
burg  and  Donau-Eschingen,  and  but  six  miles  between  Baden  and  the 
city  of  Weil,  at  an  elevation  the  same  as  at  the  strong  fortress  Eastatt. 
The  central  part  of    the   Black  Forest,  from  the  Murg  to  the  Pfing, 
admits  of  a  more  passable  formation,  and  at  its  lower  end  from  the 
Pfing  to  the  Neckar  it  gently  verges  into  undulating  hill  lands.     In 
consequence  of  which  the  central  and  lower  sections  of    the  Black 
Forest  can  barely  be  considered  more  than  a  weighty  obstacle  to  mili 
tary  operations,  when  large  armies  are   concerned.     Further  to  the 
north  is  the  Odenwald,  or  Odenforest,  with  which  the  space  from 
the  river  Neckar  to  the  river  Main  is  filled.     The  slope  of  these  hil 
locks  are  steep  towards  the  Neckar,  and  even  the  more  elevated  por 
tions  of  it  are  rough  and  densely  timbered.     The  leading  roads  avoid 


70 

the  Odenwald  ;  others  are  scarce,  and  very  bad  in  rainy  weather  and 
during  winter,  because  of  the  limy  and  muddy  soil,  so  that  this  hilly 
section  might  likewise  be  termed  an  obstacle  to  military  operations. 
(Between  the  Ehine  and  the  western  section  of  the  river  Main,  the 
Odenwald,  as  well  as  the  Black  Forest,  afford  the  richest  kind  of 
farming  lands  to  a  width  of  two  to  three  German  miles.) 

Upon  the  left  bank  of  the  Ehine,  opposite  the  Black  and  the  Oden 
Forests,  stretch  the  Vosges  mountains,  upon  French  soil.  These  rise  in 
the  neighborhood  of  the  source  of  the  river  Moselle  (in  equal  eleva- 
vation  with  Muhlheim,  Blumberg,  therefore  exactly  opposite  the  Black 
Forest  in  its  largest  horizontal  and  vertical  extension)  and  like  the 
Black  Forest,  fall  steeply  towards  the  valley  of  the  Rhine,  gradually 
diminishing  towards  the  north,  in  both  elevation  and  breadth.  In  the 
palatinate,  as  well  as  in  the  mountains  of  the  Haardt,  the  Vosges  bor 
der  there  upon  a  broad  valley  of  the  Rhine,  and  are  frequently  crossed 
by  roads  and  even  railroads. 

If  one  so  compares  the  so-called  military  sections  of  the  country  adja 
cent  to  both  banks  of  the  Rhine,  one  finds  that  the  higher  and  less 
passable  elevations  of  the  mountains  on  both  sides  are  in  the  South, 
and  not  easily  suitable  for  military  operations.  From  Rastatt-Hagenau 
down,  the  valley  of  the  Rhine  appears  to  become  much  broader,  and 
the  mountains  more  passable.  Should,  therefore,  military  operations 
take  place  south  of  the  river  Main,  it  must  necessarily  be  between 
Mayence,  Saarbruck,  Strasburg,  Rastatt,  Pforzheim,  Heilbronn, 
Wurzburg,  and  Frankfort-on-the-Main.  The  impassable  parts  of  the 
mountains  of  the  "  Oden  Forest"  may  be  in  this  case  avoided,  from 
the  southwest,  either  via  Darmstadt  or  Heidelberg,  towards  Wurzburg 
Up  to  Lauterburg,  the  Rhine  opposite  France,  forms  a  line  of  defense. 
The  German-French  boundary  from  Lauterburg,  as  far  as  the  neutral 
Grand  Duchy  of  Luxemburg,  however,  is  free,  and  the  German  terri 
tory  behind  exposed  to  hostile  invasion.  To  the  northwest,  from 
Lauterbach,  the  Haardt  rises,  of  which  mountain  chain  already  men 
tion  has  been  made.  It  fails  abruptly  towards  the  east,  while  towards 
the  west  it  gradually  verges  into  an  open,  hilly  ground.  From 
Kaisers  Lautern,  through  a  sort  of  sink  which  separates  the  Haardt 
from  the  Mountains  of  Donner,  as  well  as  through  numerous  valleys, 
there  lead  railroads  and  many  other  roads,  from  the  upper  Saar 
to  the  Rhine,  as  far  as  Lauterburg-Bingen.  The  valley  of  the  Nahe 
forms  towards  the  northwest,  the -last  chance  for  these  communica 
tions.  On  the  other  side  of  the  Nahe,  between  it  and  the  other  rivers, 
the  Moselle  and  the  Saar,  the  Mountains  of  the  Dog's  Back  extend, 
which,  together  with  the  Mountains  of  Taunus,  surround  the 
stream,  and  like  those  latter  mountains,  characterize  themselves  by 
their  rocky  ground  and  yawning  abysses,  encircling  the  lower  val- 


71 

leys.  Along  the  narrow  valley  of  the  Moselle,  spirally  appear,  oppos 
ite  the  Dog's  Back,  the  principal  sections  of  the  West  Lower-Rhim'sh 
hilly  landscapes,  which  cover  the  whole  country  half  down  the  Maas, 
and  are  known  by  the  names,  Eifel  and  High  Veen,  together  with 
the  mountainous  country  of  the  Westerwald,  (or  Westerforest)  and 
that  of  the  so-called  Sauerland  encompassing  the  Khine  further  down 
as  far  as  the  neighborhood  of  Bonn.  The  Plateaux  of  the  Eifel  and 
High  Veen  are,  moreover,  compressed  and  very  rough,  especially  when 
these  approach  the  deep  crevices  which  ultimately  lead  into  the  larger 
valleys  of  the  Moselle,  and  especially  the  Rhine,  besides  are  studded 
everywhere  with  isolated  peaks  and  entire  and  conically-shaped 
mountain  ranges,  befitting  them  very  unfavorably  for  military  opera 
tions  upon  a  large  scale. 

As  the  system  of  the  communication  answers  to  the  topography  of 
the  country,  as  just  now  sketched,  it  becomes  evident  that  it  is  and 
would  so  be  found  the  most  widely  spread  in  the  valley  of  the 
Khine,  between  Lauterburg  and  Mayence,  and  on  the  other  side  in 
the  belt  between  the  Rhine  and  the  Maas.  In  the  Eifel  High  Veen 
and  in  the  Dog's  Back  it  has  fewer  branches,  while  among  the  hilly 
lands,  as  well  as  in  the  Haardt,  communications  are  mostly  formed  by 
defiles. 

From  the  peculiar  condition  of  the  boundary  line,  as  well  as  from 
the  geographical  relationship  to  adjacent  objects,  it  is  clear  that  mili 
tary  operations  which  are  aimed  at  Paris  by  Germany,  and  at  Berlin 
by  France,  can  be  undertaken  by  two  routes  :  the  one  by  way  of  the 
Bavarian  palatinate  of  the  Rhine,  above  Mayence,  and  the  other 
by  way  of  the  Upper  Maas  in  France  via  Luxemburg,  in  the  vicinity  of 
Duseldorff,  or,  vice  versa.  The  valley  of  the  Moselle,  with  the  adja 
cent  impassable  portions  of  the  Dog's  Back  and  of  the  Eifel,  confronts 
both  directions  of  these  military  operations,  separating  both  battle 
grounds  from  one  another. 


PART   THE   FOURTH 


THE  PRUSSIAN    AND   FRENCH  ARMY  ORGANIZATIONS. 


It  is  well  known  that  France  can  throw  an  army  upon  the  Rhine 
much  easier  than  Prussia  can,  "because  the  way  from  Paris  to  Saar 
Louis  is  but  half  as  far  as  from  Berlin  to  Saar  Louis,  and  the  yearly 
frequented  camp  of  Chalons,  as  well  as  the  strong  and  well  mantled, 
fortresses  of  Metz  and  Strasburg,  (which  since  have  capitulated)  close 
upon  the  boundary  of  Germany,  and  facilitate  essentially  the  initia 
tive  to  such  a  mammothian  enterprise.  It  was,  therefore,  on  the  part 
of  the  Germans,  no  useless  apprehension  of  such  surprise,  as  it  would 
have  forced  them  beyond  the  Rhine.  But  the  haste  with  which  the 
French  diplomatists  accelerated  the  breach  of  peace,  upon  which  the 
declaration  of  war  should  immediately  follow,  a  proof  of  their  utter 
ignorance  of  affairs  in  Germany,  especially  of  military  organizations, 
prevented  the  execution  of  the  attempt  at  a  surprise  which  otherwise, 
beyond  a  doubt,  would  have  become  dangerous  to  Prussia. 

France,  however,  unable  to  act  as  quickly  as  the  voluble  tongue  of 
her  diplomatists  dictated,  gave  Germany  time  to  rally  her  strength  to 
a  proportionate  extent.  The  cause  itself  of  their  delay  in  action, 
from  the  declaration  of  war  to  the  commencement  of  hostilities,  was 
chiefly  in  placing  the  French  army  on  a  war  footing,  the  consequence 
of  an  organization  so  extremely  bad,  that  it  frustrated  the  advantages 
that  its  greater  strength  in  times  of  peace  decidedly  possesses  over 
the  Prussian.  Single  sections  of  the  army,  for  instance,  the  guards, 
soon  gathered  their  quotum  of  men  from  soldiers  on  furlough 
in  and  near  Paris;  likewise  the  Zouaves  Turcos  and  the  Foreign  Le 
gion,  which  sustain  in  times  of  peace  their  full  strength;  all  these  are 
quickly  put  in  marching  order.  Even  the  infantry  has,  in  proportion 
to  the  Prussian,  far  less  reserves  and  furlough  to  gather. 

Yet  the  draft  requires  a  greater  time,  because  the  regiments  have  to 
draw  their  men,  not  from  certain  provinces  close  by,  but  from  all  over 
the  country.  In  the  Prussian  military  organization,  however,  each 
army  corps  is  formed  of  men  drawn  from  a  certain  province  or  county; 
for  instance,  Pomerania,  Mark,  Westphalia,  etc.,  and  the  war  material 
attached  to  it  likewise  from  there.  Such  a  system  for  the  orgamza- 


73 

tion  of  army  corps,  divisions  and  brigades  is  unknown  in  France; 
their  regiments  receive  their  reserves  as  promiscuously  gathered  from 
all  over  the  Empire.  (Which,  by  the  by,  to  California  readers  it  may 
be  interesting  to  remember,  has  two  hundred  thousand  English  square 
miles,  with  about  thirty-six  millions  of  population  upon  it,  while  our 
beloved  State,  Eureka,  has  one  hundred  and  eighty-eight  thousand 
square  miles,  and  about  one  million  thoroughly  happy  people  upon 
it,  who,  by  way  of  a  past- time,  always  prefer  bear-hunting  to  man 
slaughter,  and  a  serene  happiness  to  the  agony  of  ambition.) 

Besides,  in  France  there  is  no  organization  which  reaches  beyond 
the  formation  of  a  regiment.  The  tactical  combination  of  army  corps, 
the  brigade  division  and  corps  connections,  which  in  Prussia  are  per 
manent,  have  in  the  French  army,  at  the  commencement  of  a  war,  to 
be  newly  formed. 

To  these  military  defects  may  be  added  those  of  State.  The  Gov 
ernment  is,  in  a  manner,  unnaturally  centralized  in  Paris,  which 
tends  to  suffocate  and  stifle  all  progress  in  towns  and  counties,  by 
alienating  the  thousands  of  various  officials  there  from  their  duty  as 
free  men,  to  be  at  all  times  personally  responsible  for  their  actions. 
Everything  has  to  emanate  from  Paris,  and  unless  it  is  there  com 
manded,  nothing  whatever  is  done  in  the  counties. 

In  Germany,  especially  in  war  times,  every  official  throughout  the 
Empire  holds  in  readiness  what  could  possibly,  and  on  a  sudden, 
be  of  him  required  by  his  immediate  superior,  so  that  as  to  the 
army,  the  fact  maybe  illustrated  to  its  full  admiration,  that  although 
not  a  soldier  of  the  entire  army  stood  in  the  ranks  on  the  15th  of  July, 
yet  on  the  4th  of  August,  the  frontier  of  Germany,  towards  France, 
was  found  guarded  in  a  manner  that  made  a  surprise  on  the  part  of 
the  French  an  impossibility. 

But  France  had  been  busy  ever  since  Sadowa,  to  put  her  army,  if 
not  on  a  war  footing,  at  least  in  readiness,  and  Minister  Kouher  never 
uttered  a  more  truthful  word  than  when  he  said  that  peace,  at  that 
date,  existed  only  because  Napoleon  was  not  ready.  May  be  he  would 
have  waited  still  further,  if  he  had  succeeded  in  gaining  Prussia  over 
to  his  plans  in  regard  to  the  annexation  of  Belgium,  and  on  the  other 
hand,  by  so  much  waiting  and  inertness,  could  have  been  sure  that 
the  army  would  not  have  forsaken  him.  But  the  French  army,  ever 
since  1866,  underwent  reforms  ;  the  nation  had  been  roused  from  its 
security,  although  it  was  felt  its  present  army  system  could  not  stand 
securely  the  shock  of  war,  especially  against  Prussia.  Said  reforms 
were  of  a  two-fold  kind  :  either  of  a  practical  nature,  like  the  intro 
duction  of  the  Chassepot  rifle,  the  replenishing  of  the  arsenals,  the 
increase  of  stock  of  small  arms,  the  change  in  the  system  of  drilling, 
the  rebuilding  of  eastern  fortresses  fit  to  stand  the  new  inventions  in 
8 


74 

cannon: — «or  again  readied  the  basis  of  army  regulations,  the  recruit 
ing  system,  or  amended  the  law  to  buy  off  allegiance  to  serve  ;  like 
wise  the  time  of  service  in  the  army;  the  duty  as  reservist  and  the 
establishment  of  the  Mobile  or  volunteer  guard.  All  these  changes  were 
well  conceived,  but  did  not  eradicate  the  evil.  The  permission  to  buy 
off  service  had  been  considerably  curtailed,  but  the  main  defect  in  the 
French  -army  system:  the  want  of  every  kind  of  reserve  remained 
unaltered  to  its  former  full  and  pernicious  extent.  As  to  the  Guard 
Mobile,  it  was  but  a  sorry  imitation  of  the  Prussian  Landwehr  system, 
which  all  military  men  have  entirely  condemned.  Particularly  bad  had 
been  the  effect  upon  the  military  system  of  the  expedition  to  Mexico, 
having  cost  so  much  money,  and  above  all,  having  injured  the  French 
nation.  The  Government  would  not  dare  to  state  the  figures  it  had 
amounted  to.  All  that  was  done,  instead  of  replenishing  the  lost 
material,  large  furloughs  were  granted  to  artillery  and  cavalry,  which 
put  the  army  into  such  a  state  that  it  required  all  the  energy  and 
indefatigable  spirit  of  Marshal  Niel,  as  Minister  of  War,  to  set 
things  somewhat  right.  The  Senate  granted  one  hundred  and  fifty- 
eight  million  francs,  and  in  1868  sanctioned  a  loan  of  four  hundred 
and  eleven  million  francs.  All  this  money  had  been  expended  on 
military  purposes,  as  re-building  of  forts,  manufacturing  of  Chasse- 
pot  rifles  and  other  war  materials.  To  every  regiment  of  the  line 
were  added  two  new  companies  ;  a  new  regiment  of  Chasseurs  had 
been  formed  so  as  to  reach  the  former  compliment  of  cavalry;  the  artil 
lery  augmented  in  1867  by  one  hundred  and  twenty  cannon,  made  in 
Austria  and  Germany,  and  a  purchase  made  of  thirty-six  thousand 
horses,  and  in  1868  ten  thousand  horses  and  mules  additionally. 
Marshal  Niel  then  declared  that  but  twenty-eight  thousand  horses 
more  were  needed  to  consider  the  entire  army  on  a  war  footing. 
Probably  that  statement  had  been  as  incorrect  as  that  there  should 
be  ready  up  to  1870  nine  hundred  and  twenty-two  thousand  Chassepot 
rifles. 

But  there  were  other  defects  in  the  French  army  which  were  not 
changed  by  these  amendments  and  augmentations  of  materials.  Louis 
Napoleon  had  made  his  Marshals  millionaires,  and  his  soldiers  pecuni- 
arly  independent.  In  1855  he  had  introduced  by  law  the  horrid  prac 
tice  of  a  buying  off  service  ;  a  miserable  system,  according  to  which 
every  Frenchman  could  rid  himself  of  military  duty,  by  paying  into 
the  Dotation  Fund  the  sum  of  two  thousand  three  hundred  to  two 
thousand  eight  hundred  francs,  obliging  the  State  to  find  a  substitute 
for  him.  In  order  to  do  so,  the  State  re-enlisted  old  soldiers  about 
to  quit,  by  paying  them  a  bonus,  increasing  their  pay;  and  then  after 
the  time  of  their  additional  service  had  altogether  elapsed,  granted 


75 

them  an  annuity,  so  that  army  service  afforded  means,  after  a  certain 
time,  of  making  the  individual  pecuniaiiy  independent. 

The  baneful  consequences  of  this  system  to  the  French  army,  no 
body  more  elaborately  nor  truthfully  depicts  and  explains  than  Trochu, 
in  his  celebrated  work  regarding  the  French  army.  He  shows  therein 
that  by  it  the  consciousness  of  personal  duty  is  entirely  destroyed, 
when  the  State  finds  substitutes,  and  societies  are  formed  which  find 
such  substitutes  even  for  those  who  with  little  money  can  secure  them 
selves  against  the  fatal  muster  roll  of  conscription. 

That  the  army  had  to  deplore  such  comradeship  taking  the  place  of 
volunteers  from  all  classes  of  society,  is  the  natural  consequence  of 
such  a  system.  Soldiers  becoming  grey  in  barracks  cannot  again 
become  serviceable  as  industrious  citizens  of  the  nation,  having  alien 
ated  themselves  from  society,  and  not  unfrequently  become  corrupted 
by  vices  emanating  from  idleness,  especially  bad  whisky.  Every  am 
bition  which  might  have  been  advantageous  to  both  army  and  people 
is  thereby  wantonly  destroyed  and  made  naught. 

The  original  intention  oi'  this  system,  which  so  signally  has  failed, 
had  been  to  create  an  army  personally  devoted  to  the  Napoleonic 
dynasty,  needing  no  yearly  additions  and  renovations,  yet  ruined  the 
strength  and  the  martial  spirit  of  the  army.  Of  the  contingent  of 
one  hundred  thousand  men,  which,  since  1856.  should  yearly  be  got 
together,  but  twenty-three  thousand  appeared.  Thus,  the'  re-enlisted 
old  soldiers  footed  up  one  hundred  and  twenty-five  thousand  men, 
and  with  other  service  added,  viz.,  volunteers  who  choose  the  mili 
tary  career,  officers,  gens  d'arms,  foreign  legions,  in  all  about  two 
hundred  and  forty  thousand  men.  Then  the  military  budget  of  three 
hundred  million  francs  did  not  suffice  for  four  hundred  thousand  men 
in  times  of  peace,  although,  in  fact,  there  were  but  three  hundred  and 
thirty  to  three  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  in  all ;  consequently,  there 
was  bufc  room  for  one  hundred  thousand  raw  recruits,  which  was 
abundantly  filled  during  seven  years  with  twenty-three  thousand  men 
annually.  In  a  military  point  of  view,  the  natural  consequence  of 
this  pernicious  system  proved  to  be  the  dying  out  of  all  strength  of 
reserves.  In  times  of  war  the  army  was  without  means  to  recuperate 
its  strength  from  the  people.  Napoleon  experienced  it  already  during 
the  Italian  war,  because  in  case  of  a  war  with  Prussia  at  one  and  the 
same  time,  he  had  only  sixty  thousand  men  left,  deducting  the  depots 
and  fortresses,  to  guard  the  eastern  frontier  of  France.  Afterwards 
he  tried  his  best  to  amend  the  fault.  Why  he  did  not  succeed  had 
two  reasons — the  one  of  a  military,  the  other  of  a  political  nature. 
From  a  military  stand-point  it  contradicted  the  custom  of  annually 
recruiting  ninety  thousand  reserves  necessary  for  a  successful  reorgan 
ization,  requiring  a  devotion  to  the  task  of  drilling  on  the  part  of 


76 

officers  and  sub-officers,  which  is  not  at  all  part  of  the  French  char 
acter.     In  the   other  case,  by  drawing  from  and  again  returning  to 
the  nation,  a  full  third  of  that  figure  would  have  given  to  the  army 
the  appearance  of  an  army  of  the  people,  which  did  not  at  all  suit  the 
plans  of  Napoleon.     He  therefore  adhered  to  the  buying-off  system 
with  its  old  soldiers,  and  annually  small  additions,  but  endeavored 
to  create  a  sort  of  army  of  reserve — this  way,  that  by  a  decree  of  18G1, 
he  divided  the  number  of  annual  recruits  into  two  halves  ;   the  one 
should  serve  a  longer  time  and  then  be  attached  to  the  so-called  active 
companies,  while  the  other  half  should  be  drilled  but  two  or  three 
months  annually,  and  later  five  months,  and  then  with  their  flighty 
knowledge  be  dismissed,  yet  should  stand  ready  in>war  times  to  serve 
as  recruits.     Thus   Napoleon   thought   of  having   solved   the  grand 
problem  of  the  organization  of  reserved  bodies.     General  Trochu  con 
demns  it  by  saying  it  does  not  depend  upon  large  ciphers,  but  upon 
the  quality  of  troops.     In  1869  the  buying-off  system  was  somewhat 
modified,  and  the  old  decree  of  1832  reinstalled,  which  made  it  op 
tional  to  the  man  on  duty  to  find  a  substitute.     The  re-enlisting  was 
abridged.     After  a  five  years'  service  the   soldier  should  but  serve 
another  five  years  as  substitute,  and  those  which  had  entered  a  ten 
years'  service  should  receive  a  situation  in  the  civil  service  instead  of 
pecuniary  remuneration.     Since  1865,  the  first  demand  would  bring  a 
contingent  of  sixty- three  thousand  men  ;  the  second,  with  five  months' 
service,  twelve  thousand  men.     In  this  manner,  and  in  obedience  to 
the  law  of  the  first  of  February,  1868,  which  guaranteed  after  a  five 
months'  service  a  four  yearly  reserve,  the  army  in  nine  years,  there 
fore — 1877 — would  have  a  strength  of  seven  hundred  and  seventy -six 
thousand  men. 

But  the  duty  to  serve  as  reservist  never  suited  French  habits,  while 
the  Prussian  soldier  serves  as  reservist  six  years,  and  as  militia  six 
years.  Marshal  Niel  then  proposed  to  increase  the  Mobile  Guard  up 
to  five  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  men  from  all  over  France,  consist 
ing  of  infantry  and  artillery,  two  thousand  men  each  company.  They 
drilled,  but  could  not  be  expected  to  stay  more  than  a  day  from  home. 
Their  duty  should  be  to  represent  and  take  the  place  of  the  army  in 
large  cities,  fortresses,  and  on  the  coast  and  frontier,  caring  likewise 
for  security  within  the  country.  It  consisted  of  young  Frenchmen, 
who  did  not  serve  in  the  army,  together  with  volunteers,  while  officers 
and  sub-officers  were  pensioned  officers  and  sub-officers  of  the  regular 
army  there.  Besides  their  pension  they  received  a  handsome  pay  for 
this  particular  service.  Since  the  death  of  Marshal  Niel  this  innova 
tion  is,  however,  neglected,  as  it  did  not  receive  the  approbation  of 
the  people,  especially  in  the  south  and  west  of  France.  General 
Trochu  touches  these  defects  as  not  only  detrimental  to  the  tactical 


77 

advancement  of  the  troops,  but  so  personally.  Styling  the  infantry 
the  "  Queen  of  Battles,"  he  deplores  their  disregard.  At  first  special 
annual  recruits  select  their  necessary  arms,  then  the  best  drilled  sol 
diers  are  attached  to  the  guards,  and  finally  each  battalion  of  the  line 
adds  two  special  companies.  The  consequence  is,  that  the  four  com 
panies  of  the  center  form  a  feeble  mass.  Gen.  Trochu  succeeded  in 
abolishing  the  latter  so  as  to  disperse  them  among  the  whole  battalion 
as  soldiers  of  the  first  class,  but  he  failed  in  demanding  for  each  bat 
talion  a  company  of  efficient  sharpshooters  besides.  Gen.  Trochu 
explains  the  want  of  tactical  education  in  French  officers  as  follows: 

"  In  our  last  wars  our  tactic  was  to  allow  the  troops  nobly  inspired 
"  to  run  for  the  battle-field;  as  soon  as  the  first  perished  the  battalion 
"  advanced,  but  no  longer  compact,  general  dissolution  ensued." 

Incapable  of  flying,  and  likewise  incapable  of  being  cool  and  col 
lected,  they  stormed  onward  to  ascertain  the  cause  of  the  effect.  Dis 
obeying  the  officers,  they  became  commingled  in  large  masses  with 
the  enemy,  which  paralized  the  action  of  their  artillery  and  cavalry, 
upsetting  the  plan  of  the  battle,  and  all  the  ramified  and  general 
combinations  which  their  commanders-in-chief  had  made. 

Gen.  Trochu  states  that  the  cause  is  the  nervous  temperament  of 
soldiers  from  bad  habits  acquired  in  Africa,  reducing  systematic  mili 
tary  operations  to  a  guerrilla  warfare,  and  lastly  as  consequent  upon 
the  rigid  rules  of  manoeuvres  in  time  of  peace,  perfectly  useless  in 
war. 

While  the  French  forgot  the  doctrine  of  Napoleon  I,  the  Prus 
sians  studied  it  and  added  to  its  theory  the  experiences  of  the  Crimean 
war,  the  Italian  and  the  North  American.  The  French  adhering  to 
the  German  idea  or  the  old  Dessauer,  drilled  continually  in  barracks, 
which  proved  to  be  of  110  use  whatever  in  practice . 

Although  on  the  16th  of  March,  1869,  new  orders  were  given  as  to 
the  drilling  of  infantry,  yet  France  knows  of  its  rigor  little  more 
to-day  than  it  did  in  1792,  which  shows  that  France  is  by  inclination 
less  martially  than  peacefully  and  republicanly  inclined. 


PART  THE   FIFTH. 


THE     WAR     IN    DETAIL 


At  the  commencement  of  the  war,  the  French  army  confronting 
the  German,  footed  up  about  four  hundred  thousand  men,  although 
nominally,  all  reserves  included,  it  was  given  at  eight  hundred  and 
sixty  thousand  men.  They  comprised  but  eight  corps  in  all: 

Guards,  under  General  Bourbaki. 

1st  Corps     "     Marshal  McMahon. 

2d       "         "     General  Frossard. 

3d       "         "     Marshal  Bazaine. 

4th     »         "     General  de  FAdmirault. 

5th     "        "     General  de  Failly. 

6th      "         "     Marshal  Canrobert. 

7th     "        "     General  Felix  Douay. 

The  North  German  army  numbered  four  hundred  and  ninety-three 
thousand  men,  and  one  thousand  two  hundred  and  forty-eight  pieces 
of  artillery.  The  militia  available  at  any  time,  two  hundred  and 
thirty  thousand  men.  During  war  the  body  of  reserves  numbers 
one  hundred  and  thirty  thousand;  in  all,  eight  hundred  and  fifty -three 
thousand  men.  The  South  German  army  numbers — Bavaria,  seventy 
thousand  men,  with  one  hundred  and  ninety-two  pieces  of  artillery; 
Wurtemberg,  twenty-three  thousand  six  hundred  men,  and  fifty-four 
pieces  of  artillery;  Baden,  twenty-one  thousand  six  hundred  men, 
and  forty- two  pieces  of  artillery. 

The  entire  army,  nine  hundred  and  sixty-eight  thousand  two  hun 
dred  men,  with  one  thousand  five  hundred  and  thirty-six  pieces  of 
artillery. 

Commander-in-Chief  of  the  entire  army  is  the  King  of  Prussia. 

1st  Army  Corps,  commanded  by  General  von  Steinmetz. 

2nd  Army  Corps,  commanded  by  Prince  Frederick  Charles,  of 
Prussia. 

2nd  Army  Corps,  commanded  by  the  Crown  Prince  of  Prussia. 

4th  Army  Corps,   commanded  by  the  Crown  Prince  of  Saxony. 

First  Army  Corps  of  Eeserves,  commanded  by  the  Grand  Duke  of 
Mecklenburg-Schwerin. 


79 

The  Bavarian!  Army  Corps,  commanded  by  General  von  der  Tann. 

The  "Wurtemberg  Army  Corps,  commanded  by  Lieutenant-General 
von  Obernitz. 

The  Baden  Army  Corps,  commanded  by  Lieutenant-General  von 
Beyer. 

SKIRMISHING. 

The  watch  of  the  Khine  gives  the  alarm ; 

The  great  horn  of  Orlando  is  sounded. 

Let  Alsace  oe  mine,  which  does  you  no  harm; 

With  Metz  and  Lorraine  the  matter  be  rounded. — GEKMANIA. 

Small  detachments  of  African  Chasseurs  of  the  French  army  cros 
sing  the  German  frontier  on  the  19th  of  July,  were  immediately  driven 
back  on  French  soil  by  German  Lancers.  The  French,  returning  in 
larger  bodies,  skirmishing  commenced  near  Saarbruecken  on  the  24th; 
at  the  village  Gerweiler,  south  of  the  little  river  Saar,  and  to  the 
west  of  Saarbruecken,  on  the  26th  ;  and  at  Nieclerbronn,  five  Ger 
man  miles  from  the  frontier,  until  the  30th  of  July,  noon,  when  the 
first  telegram  was  received  from  Trier,  which  stated  that  the  enemy 
kept  quiet.  Later  in  the  day,  at  five  P.M.,  another  telegram  was 
received  at  Saarbruecken,  which  said  that  the  German  infantry  had 
orders,  in  case  of  overwhelming  masses,  to  quickly  retire  from  Saar 
bruecken,  the  cavalry  only  keeping  the  enemy  in  sight.  It  was  fur 
ther  mentioned  that  the  French  were  concentrating  to  the  east  of  Thi- 
onville,  having  vacated  Gersweiler,  after  having  been  chased  out  of 
the  forest  of  St.  Arnual.  Next  day,  at  nine  A.M.,  a  telegram  was 
received  from  Saar  Louis,  which  informed  the  German  commander 
that  the  French  were  beyond  Forbach,  with  four  regiments  of  infan 
try  strong,  one  company  sharpshooters,  three  squadrons  cavalry,  and 
one  battery.  The  idea  of  the  French  had  been  to  separate  the  Ger 
mans  at  Saar  Louis  from  those  at  Trier,  by  destroying  the  railroad 
which  runs  parallel  with  the  French  frontier  from  Saarbruecken  to 
Saar  Louis  and  Trier,  it  being  the  only  one  which  directly  connects 
the  latter  cities.  They  attempted  it  from  Forbach,  a  frontier  town  of 
French  Lorraine,  as  it  is  situated  opposite  the  Prussian  frontier  town 
of  Saarbruecken,  the  railroad  there  being  but  two  English  miles  dis 
tant  from  France.  St.  Arnual  and  Gersweiler,  both  Prussian  villages, 
are  situated  between  Forbach  and  Saarbruecken,  while  Louisenthal 
and  Voelklingeii  are  little  railroad  towns  between  Saarbruecken  and 
Saar  Louis.  The  Germans,  of  course,  were  equally  industrious  in 
destroying  the  French  railroad  between  Saargemund  and  Hagenan, 
which  traverses  the  Kheinthal  (valley  of  the  Rhine)  down  to  the  river 
Saar,  and  might  have  been  very  serviceable  to  the  French  in  trans 
porting  provisions  for  their  troops,  besides  possessing  other  tactical 
and  strategical  advantages. 


so 

Matters  became  rather  trifling  until  the  2nd  of  August,  when  sud 
denly  the  French  darkened  the  sun  with  the  Chassepots  of  three 
divisions  (about  forty  thousand  men)  and  twenty-three  pieces  of  artil 
lery,  under  the  heir  apparent,  with  the  tremendous  intention  of  annihal- 
ating  seven  hundred  and  fifty  solitary  Prussian  Leonidasians  in  the 
Thermopilan  passes  of  that  anything  but  gappy  neighborhood.  The 
fourth  and  fifth  dispatches  explain  this  affair  earnestly:  "On  the 
"  second  of  August,  ten  A.M.,  the  small  detachment  at  Saarbruecken 
"  was  attacked  by  three  divisions  and  the  town  bombarded  with 
"  twenty-three  pieces  of  artillery.  At  noon  the  heights,  and  at  two 
"  P.M.  the  town  were  duly  deserted,  the  detachment  retiring  to  the 
"  nearest  station.  Loss  comparatively  trifling.  At  the  same  time  it 
"  was  mentioned  that  Emperor  Napoleon  had  arrived  at  eleven  o'clock 
"  before  Saarbruecken." 

On  the  same  day  the  King  of  Prussia  had  arrived  at  Mayence.  The 
command  over  the  three  army  corps,  duly  entrusted  by  him  to  Gen 
eral  von  Moltke,  subdivided,  as  they  were,  into  the  first,  the  northern, 
mostly  centered  in  the  county  of  Trier,  resting  on  the  fortress  Coblenz, 
and  commanded  by  General  von  Steinmetz  ;  the  second,  the  central, 
centered  in  the  Bavarian  palatinate,  and  resting  on  the  fortress  of 
'  Mayence,  and  commanded  by  Prince  Frederick  Charles  ;  and  the 
third,  the  southern,  centered  in  the  palatinate,  and  resting  011  the 
fortress  of  Kastatt,  commanded  by  the  Crown  Prince^ of  Prussia; 
the  venerable  Moltke  took  command. 

THE  BATTLES. 

Having  issued  his  orders  to  the  three  army  corps  to  advance  upon 
the  enemy,  the  southern  wing,  under  the  Crown  Prince  of  Prussia, 
began,  on  the  4th  of  August,  to  close  on  the  enemy  at  Weissenburg, 
Alsace,  and  storming  the  adjacent  strongly  fortified  Gaisberg,  defeated 
the  French  division  under  Douay,  in  a  very  decisive  manner.  Con 
tinuing  to  advance,  the  same  commander,  but  a  few  days  later, 
on  the  6th,  engaged  the  French  in  the  first  great  battle,  the 
memorable  one  of  Woerth,  in  which  the  third  army  put  to  flight 
the  first  corps  of  the  French,  under  Marshal  McMahon,  while  on 
the  same  day  the  Northern  army,  under  Steinmetz,  with  death- 
defying  impetuosity,  stormed  the  heights  of  Spicheren,  defeat 
ing  Frossard,  in  command  of  the  second  corps  of  the  French.  The 
natural  consequence  of  these  thorough  victories  had  been  that  the 
entire  French  army  was  forced  to  retreat  towards  the  river  Moselle. 

To  counteract  the  terrible  blow  which  French  official  statements  of 
victories,  instead  of  defeats,  had  dealt  to  the  dynasty  of  Napoleon,  the 


81 

Emperor  decided  upon  transferring  the  command  of  the  French  army 
to  Marshal  Bazaine. 

Be  it  remembered  that  the  genius  of  Moltke  having  so  placed  the 
German  army  as  to  form  with  its  three  army  corps  a  wide  half -circle, 
of  which  the  center  under  Prince  Charles  had  not  as  yet  been  in  action 
at  all,  Moltke  now  commanded  the  united  forces  to  at  once  close  upon 
Metz,  the  virgin  fortress  of  Germany,  taken  from  her  three  hundred 
and  nineteen  years  ago,  and  one  of  the  principal  strongholds  of 
France. 

Although  the  French  army  had  entrenched  itself  near  the  river 
Nied,  on  French  territory,  it,  nevertheless,  vacated  the  neighborhood, 
crossing  the  river  Moselle,  near  Metz,  upon  the  cavalry  of  the  Ger 
mans  arriving  before  Metz,  Pont-a-Mousson,  and  Nancy,  together 
with  sections  of  the  army  from  Strasburg.  Here  it  was,  before  Metz, 
where  in  three  days  the  redoubtable  Germans  dashed  to  pieces  the 
old  glory  of  French  arms,  and  transferred  upon  themselves  the  grim 
visage  of  Mars,  who,  wherever  he  thrones,  holds  the  crimes  which  are 
heirs  to  barbarism  in  subjugation.  On  the  fourteenth  of  August, 
General  Steinmetz  threw  into  confusion  three  French  divisions,  at 
Pange  and  Courcelles,  forcing  them  back  upon  Metz.  On  the  six 
teenth,  Prince  Frederick  Charles  having  crossed  the  Moselle  but  a  day 
previously,  annihilated  in  twelve  hours,  at  Mars  la  Tour  and  Vionville, 
the  martial  pride  of  selected  French  troops,  while  on  the  eighteenth 
of  August  the  venerable  hero,  King  William,  in  grand  command 
of  the  whole  slaughtering  force,  attacked  the  French  in  their  fortified 
position  to  the  west  of  Metz,  and  wrung  from  them  in  nine  hours  time 
the  victories  at  Gravelotte  and  Razonville,  beyond  a  doubt  for  ever  fatal 
to  the  French  nation  as  a  ruling  war  power  in  Europe. 

From  that  hour  history  asserts  it  that  the  French  had  to  yield  the 
continental  power  of  Europe  to  Germany  as  practically  consequent 
upon  this  very  victory,  and  owing  to  the  decided  superiority  in  the 
leadership  over  the  German  armies  in  comparison  with  the  one  over 
the  French.  Leaf  after  leaf  was  duly  plucked  by  Germany  from 
gory  battle  fields  in  victories  without  end,  in  self-defence  of  her 
national  independence,  and  to  wind  the  wreath  of  laurels  which  shall 
forever  grace  the  broad  forehead  of  Germania,  as  the  future  continental 
safeguard  of  peace,  enlightenment,  and  constant  exercise  in  humane 
deeds  of  love.  The  newly-born  sister  of  America  will,  in  due  time, 
receive  the  baptismal  of  political  liberty,  without  restraint,  as  the 
natural  consequence  of  the  prodigious  effect  of  universal  free  schools, 
to  be  realized  in  times  of  peace  only  ;  but  until  then,  in  the  face  of  the 
awful  fact  of  being  closely  surrounded  by  less  advanced,  and  conse 
quently  murderous  and  warlike  nations,  on  the  continent  of  Europe, 
9 


82 

Germany  has  to  stand  for  possibly  a  generation  to  come  in  the  unen 
viable  position  of  a  gaoler. 

It  has,  furthermore,  to  enforce  law  and  order  at  home,  to  prevent  a 
disturbance  of  the  prolific  soil  against  immature  republicanism,  best 
denominated  "  the  unripp  fruit  of  knowledge  instead  of  communism." 
The  sound  seed  is  long  ago  sown  ;  like  upon  a  bed  of  flowers,  the 
young  plants  in  due  time  appear  and  become  visible  in  masses  upon 
a  sudden,  so  shall  Germany  produce  in  due  time  a  compact  mass  of 
principally  equally  informed  millions  of  men,  who,  in  their  real,  con 
sequently  social  amiability,  shall  so  have  universally  advanced,  and  so 
be  considered  sufferable  to  each  other,  while  coming  in  contact  with 
one  another  in  public  life,  as  to  be  able  to  neutralize  the  chilly  fog  of 
the  spirit  of  caste,  which  hangs  over  all  aristocratic  atmosphere,  and 
obscures  the  happiness  of  all  on  the  sole  account  of  that  uneven  dis 
tribution  of  knowlege.  Dispersed,  the  genial  warmth  of  the  ever 
charitable  sun  of  enlightenment,  will  quickly  mature  reason  so  as  to 
make  the  obvious  truth  fully  bloom  in  all  its  pristine  loveliness,  that 
every  man  living  at  any  time  upon  earth  shall  not  merely  be  his  own 
independent  sovereign,  but  respect  the  sovereignty  of  every  other  mart 
he  sees  living  next  to  him,  near  him,  far  and  wide. 

When  on  the  evening  of  the  last  named  great  day,  the  Pomera 
nians,  the  bravest  of  the  brave,  on  a  par  in  physical  strength  with 
our  stalwart  backwoods-men,  stormed,  under  the  very  eyes  of 
Moltke,  all  the  heights  to  make  sure  of  victory,  when  the  legions  un 
der  Bazaine  waved  for  shelter  towards  the  walls  of  Metz,  (Moselle) 
when  at  last  the  greatest1  warrior  of  the  age,  the  aforesaid  Moltke, 
testified  to  the  historically  astounding  truth,  of  a  complete  victory: 
Suddenly  appealing  before  the  King,  merely  saying,  while  he  delib 
erately  wiped  his  forehead  with  his  handkerchief,  cc  Sire,  the  battle 
is  won,  the  enemy  retires," — then  it  was  that  the  French  war  power 
was  crushed,  and  European  civilization  rescued  from  the  fangs  of 
surplus  crime  and  that  mediaeval  superstition  so  easily  practiced  in 
blood. 

Germany,  the  world  may  rest  assured,  shall  never  have  to  blush 
before  it,  as  having  had  other  intentions  than  to  prepare  Europe  for 
self-government,  but  not  until  that  distracted  division  of  the  globe 
is  thoroughly  competent  for  the  task  through  education  and  general 
enlightenment,  which  shall,  like  with  us,  ensure  a  peaceful  permanency 
to  the  republic  of  nations,  shall  she  relinquish  the  grasp  upon  the 
sword  to  awe  the  vast  millions  of  Europe  in  obedience  into  law  and  or 
der,  nor  cease  to  prevent  unmerciful  masses  from  blaspheming  before 
hand  with  carnage,  and  revenge  the  sacred  republic  and  her  worthy 
disciples  in  France  and  everywhere  else  in  Europe. 

Bazaine,  with  a  greater  portion  of  the  French  army  thrown  into 


83 

Metz,  McMahon,  with  the  remainder  of  the  army  thoroughly  pre 
vented  from  joining  Bazaine,  the  Germans  found  free  the  road  to 
Paris. 

Prince  Frederick  Charles  immediately  tightening  the  ring  around 
Metz,  the  3d  army  corps,  under  the  Crown  Prince  of  Prussia,  began 
at  once  to  march  upon  Paris  in  a  south-westerly  direction,  in  company 
with  the  newly  formed  4th  army  corps  commanded  by  the  Crown 
Prince  of  Saxony,  moving  northwardly  along  the  river  Maas. 

Suddenly  their  movements  had  to  be  changed,  as  McMahon  having 
received  reinforcements,  had  quitted  the  Camp  at  Chalons  (Marne); 
but  instead  of  hastening  to  cover  Paris,  he  endeavored  to  again  reach 
the  north,  intentionally  of  joining  Bazaine.  However,  the  Crown 
Prince  of  Saxony  barricaded  his  way  on  the  27th  of  August,  near 
Busancy,  which  afforded  the  army  under  the  Crown  Prince  of  Prus 
sia  the  necessary  time  for  returning  from  the  feint,  and  joining  the 
former,  enabling  the  Germans  to  conjointly  finish  the  army  of  Mc 
Mahon  at  Beaumont,  and  in  a  manner  that  a  junction  with  Bazaine 
was  henceforth  not  only  made  impossible,  but  the  single  road  into 
Belgium  at  all  left  for  the  disorganized  columns  of  the  French  to  pos 
sibly  effect  their,  escape  upon. 

Bazaine  likewise  had  not  been  idle.  On  the  31st  of  August  he  de 
bouched  with  all  his  forces,  left  at  his  disposal,  in  an  easterly  direc 
tion  towards  Servigny  and  Noisseville,  trying  with  all  his  might  to 
break  the  iron  fetters  of  the  Germans.  However,  the  heroic  resist 
ance  of  the  division  of  Kummer,  and  of  the  East  Prussians  under  Man- 
teuffel,  impenetrable  like  bristling  cactus  hedges,  forced  him  after  a 
fight  of  thirty-two  hours  duration,  to  return  to  his  prison.  During 
the  night,  from  the  31st  of  August  to  the  1st  of  September,  the  Prus 
sians,  Saxons,  and  Bavarians,  forming  upon  the  banks  of  the  river 
Maas,  encircled  the  French  army  in  a  wide  space  to  the  east  of  the 
fortress  Sedan  (Maas).  'With  the  dawn  of  day,  the  terrific  battle, 
of  which  history  shall  forever  make  mention,  commenced  with 
what  was  designed  to  either  capture  or  route  the  entire  French 
army  and  finish  the  war.  The  French  driven  from  the  villages  Floing 
and  Bazeilles,  before  a  fire  out  of  800  pieces  of  artillery,  the  circle  of 
the  German  army  became  smaller  and  smaller,  until  the  enemy  within, 
inclusive  of  Napoleon,  was  hurled  like  Caffres  into  a  kraal,  in  hurried 
flight  into  Sedan.  Forsaken  by  his  own  soldiers,  who  had  lost  th^ir 
irresistible  elan,  and  under  circumstances  had  become  demoralized, 
Napoleon  wrote  to  the  King  of  Prussia  expressing  himself  willing  to 
deliver  up  his  sword  and  himself  as  prisoner  of  war.  Maximum  im- 
perium  sibi  imperare.  The  capitulation  of  the  army  followed  next 
day;  Marshal  McMahon,  being  dangerously  wounded^  General 


84 

Wimpffen  delivered  up  the  army,  83,000  men,  with  4,000  officers.  A 
few  hours  later  Napoleon  appeared  before  the  King  of  Prussia. 

The  Napoleonic  empire  broken  upon  the  battle-field  on  the  2d  Sep 
tember,  1870,  which  news  Palikao  kept  secret  for  forty-eight  hours, 
ceased  to  be  on  the  4th  of  September  a  national  institution  of  France. 
With  it  disappeared  the  Empress,  her  son,  Benedetti,  Ollivier,  and 
especially,  Grammont,  and  as  usually  the  republic  was  declared. 

In  the  most  brilliant  manner  have  victories  upon  victories  justified 
the  Prussian  military  organization  of  1860  as  the  greatest  providen 
tial  fortune  which  ever  Germany  was  favored  by.  It  has  served  as 
the  mightiest  aid  towards  the  accomplishment  of  the  union  of  Ger 
many.  The  few  croakers  against  it  in  Southern  Germany  have  disap 
peared  as  if  by  magic,  and  are  not  any  longer  noticing  the  bard 
Count  F.  Filippi  de  Faby,  who  resides  at  a  short  distance  from  Berlin, 
in  No.  22  Place  Napoleon  Cherbourg,  who  tried  to  chant  a  poem  to 

them : 

D'un  Napoleon,  la  gloire 
Vous  voit  encore  abatus: 
C'est  toujour  la  votre  histoire 
La  seul  de  vos  vertus. 
Vous  pensier  d'etre  invincibles 
Soit  dompte'  peuple  trop  vain ! 
Pour  toi,  restant  inflexibles 
Nous  garclous  les  bords  du  Rhine. 

[Exit  Napoleon  and  his  bard  forever.] 

Created  in  1860  and  improved  upon  and  introduced  into  all  Ger 
many  in  1866,  the  Prussian  military  organization  has  saved  Germany. 
Through  it  the  country  was  enabled  to  appear  upon  the  frontier  with 
an  overwhelming  army,  to  surprise  and  defeat  the  single  divisions  of 
the  enemy  in  constant  succession.  The  enormous  number  of  reserv 
ists  and  militia  put  Germany  in  a  position  to  immediately  fill  voids 
which  a  murderous  fire  had  made,  and  without  allowing  a  weakening 
of  the  army  of  operations  to  take  place,  made  it  possible  that  strong 
divisions  of  reserve  could  enter  France,  and  large  numbers  of  com 
panies  of  militia  could  occupy  the  long  lines  of  operations  and  re 
possess  those  portions  of  territory  which  had  lately  been  occupied. 

The  North  German  divisions  of  militia  alone  amount  to  over  200,000 
men,  and  the  South  German  divisions  over  30,000  men.  That  they 
are  all  very  competent  has  become  known  even  abroad,  especially  so 
they  have  proved  at  the  siege  as  well  as  in  the  close  battles  before 
Metz.  Germany  would  have  had  no  chance  of  success  in  a  war  like 
this,  in  which  it  not  only  depended  upon  victory  after  victory  to  pre 
vent  the  enemy  from  recuperating,  but  to  hold  the  ground  which  had 
been  conquered,  which  comprised  pretty  nearly  one -third  of  France, 
if  it  had  not  been  for  the  Prussian  organization  of  the  army.  It  has 
not  only  created  an  army  of  unsurpassed  numerical  vastness,  but 
every  soldier  was  fit  to  be  called  one,  which  alone  culminated  in  the 
*  success  of  subduing  the  French  upon  their  own  ground. 


PART  THE  SIXTH. 


THE    FRENCH    REPUBLIC, 


It  appears  reasonably  certain  that  110  monarch  can  fill  the  vacant 
chair  of  Favre!  Had  Favre  at  once  remained  as  President  of  the 
republic  instead  of  Thiers— a  former  Minister  of  Louis  Phillip- 
being  substituted,  not  only  would  the  rebellion  from  the  18th  of 
March  to  the  19th  of  May,  1871,  not  have  occurred,  but  the  republic 
would  have  been  maintained  quite  satisfactorily  to  the  majority  of  the 
people.  If  the  republic  cannot  command  respect  by  virtue  of  the 
law,  how  can  a  future  monarch  protect  the  law  without  access  to 
force  ?  It  is  therefore  reasonable  that  the  republic  be  maintained 
and  thus  peace  made  lawful,  without  a  name  as  President,  whose  an 
tecedents  were  monarchical,  and  who  as  such  must  be  obnoxious  to 
the  very  people  who  with  glad  consent  declared  and  voted  the  repub 
lic  on  the  4th  of  September.  Besides,  to  return  to  monarchs  them 
selves  whom  the  French  nation  indulged  in  only  for  vainglory  of  their 
arms,  is  now  made  impossible  since  the  Napoleons,  so  to  say,  self- 
made  monarchs  by  success  of  arms,  and  not  of  blue  blood,  are  like 
wise  legitimately  and  consistently  obliterated  from  their  memory. 
The  second  Napoleon  in  rule  having  filled,  the  right  scale  to  an  over 
flow  of  misery  for  the  nation,  justice  now  lifts  high  the  left  scale  of 
the  first  Napoleon,  with  his  martial  and  especially  his  political  suc 
cesses,  as  based  and  consequent  upon  his  ambition  and  meddlesome 
diplomacy,  which  succeeded  so  long  in  alienating  the  Southern  Ger 
man  States  from  the  natural  tie  of  the  Northern,  upon  the  obtuse 
plea  that  the  humanization  of  mankind,  heterogeneous  as  to  national 
ities,  could  be  effected  icithout  preparatory  education— under  monarchi 
cal  rule — in  other  words,  by  rude  force. 

As  to  Germany,  the  world  will  admit  that  in  regard  to  the  Union  of 
Germany,  it  is  nob  the  offspring  of  fear  of  Prussia  on  the  part  of  the 
Southern  German  States,  but  is  the  natural  consequence  of  enlight 
enment  having  attained  its  principal  height  in  Prussia,  diffused  itself 
through  the  North  as  well  as  through  Bavaria,  Baden  and  Wurtem- 
berg,  and  is  daily  encouraged  in  by  the  example  of  America,  where 
about  eight  millions  of  citizens  reside  who  are  of  German  origin. 


86 

(As  to  manifestations  of  rejoicings  of  the  latter  at  the  Union  so 
cemented  by  brotherly  love,  they  were  indeed  touching  in  the  extreme. 

The  torch-light  processions  in  beautiful  San  Francisco — a  distance 
from  Germany  of  just  about  half  around  the  globe — were  large 
enough,  on  several  occasions,  to  suffice  to  illuminate  the  hearts  of  all 
Germany  as  now  seen  from  the  Cathedral  of  Strasburg,  and  make 
them  confident  as  sympathy  can  only.) 

Again,  the  conduct  of  the  revolutionists  in  Paris,  proves  conclu 
sively  that  the  greatest  freedom  from  caste  cannot  aid  the  Republic  at 
all,  unless  the  people  become  universally  enlightened,  and  conse 
quently  peaceable,  by  means  of  a  radical  reform  in  school  education, 
and  make  it  everywhere  a  municipal  law  that  the  poorest  of  the 
poor  children  of  the  million  have  free  and  unpaid  access,  to  it. 
The  pedigree  of  civilization  rests  upon  merit,  as  merit  upon  knowl 
edge,  and  knowledge  upon  developed  reason  through  education  in 
peaceful  times.  It  will  place  itself  where  it  belongs  in  progress,  aided 
by  the  Odd-Fellowship  of  the  appreciation  of  the'  worth  of  man,  in 
this  enlightened  age,  which  knows  naught  but  of  merit.  That  merit 
has  but  one  towering  ambition :  to  please'  God  !* 

*  Diverge  to  the  very  antipodes  of  the  globe,  and,  for  instance,  place  God's  child 
of  a  Cannibal  of  the  Solomon  group  off  Northeastern  Australia,  whose  parent, 
to-day,  habitually  partakes  of  man  food,  into  civilized  hands  at  a  very  tender  age, 
give  it  education,  and  nourish  its  divine  soul  with  love,  and  it  will  be  in  proper  time 
as  useful  a  member  of  society  as  anybody  else.  But  should  an  uncharitable  aristo 
crat  by  heart,  although  republican  by  name — an  ignorant  anthropologist,  who,  vexed 
at  being  unable  to  find  out  whether  Adam  and  Eve,  names  which  shall  signify  the 
first  pair  of  the  human  race,  who  lived  and  were  created  to  live  the  short  space  of 
time  upon  earth,  had  been  brown,  yellow,  red,  black  or  white,  where,  and  especially 
when  those  two  had  been  living,  if  such  an  ante-mundane  visionary  should  get  hold 
of  the  little  one,  then,  of  course,  *t  is  not  to  bo  wondered  at,  should  he  be  all  his  life 
time  afraid  of  the  anthropophagic  propensities  of  an  innocent  child's  late  royal 
savage  great  grandfathers. 

Forgetting  that  the  Mongolians  settled  in  Europe  though  comparatively  to  the  Jura 
period  but  a  few  years  ago,  he  is  incensed  at  the  Chinese  in  China  remaining  again 
concealed,  and  won't  even  associate  with  him  there,  nor  of  their  own  accord  visit 
him  here,  until  he  shall  have  proved  to  them  in  their  own  vernacular,  which  is 
necessary  for  him  to  do,  in  order  to  introduce  an  effect  upon  their  understanding, 
how  much  better  he  is  than  they  are,  and  in  what  his  superiority  over  them  exists, 
and  more  than  that,  shall  have  convinced  them  of  it  within  the  top  of  their  cues.  How 
wonderfully  he  will  do  in  China,  where  they  pretend  to  have  never  heard  of  earth 
quakes  in  Java,  or  the  lied  Sea  flooding  the  globe,  the  dense  millions  then  of  East 
ern  Asia  not  having  been  communicative,  and  with  whom  a  few  days,  synonymous  of 
a  few  thousand  years  later,  Vasco  de  Gama  and  Magellan  found  that  virtues  existed 
which  it  must  have  taken  ages  to  acquire — for  instance,  that  hunger  is  with  them 
interpreted  by  cheerful  labor,  a  good  appetite  by  health  ;  thirst  is  assuaged  by  tea, 
and  quarrels  by  smoke,  and  love,  the  priceless  treasure  of -the  heart,  is  not  a  ware 
which  is  vended  in  Sultanic  callousness,  and  who  as  one  nation  foot  up  a  concourse 


87 

History  now  continues  its  pages  of  this  war,  as  unwisely  waged  by 
the  Republic  of  France.  It  is,  therefore,  the  second  period  of  the 
war.  Before  it  so  does,  reference  to  important  events  which  have 
occurred  in  the  east  of  France,  take  due  precedent.  Just  as  little  as 
it  had  been  possible  for  the  French  armies  to  resist  upon  the  open 
battle-field  the  efficient  precision  of  the  German  artillery,  could  the 
fortresses  in  the  north-east  of  France  do  it,  which  it  was  necessary 
for  the  Germans  to  take.  A  number  of  them  had  capitulated  up  to 


of  400,000,000  people,  possessing  a  literature  without  an  alphabet,  and  a  language 
without  a  grammar,  thus  realizing  the  solution  of  the  greatest  enigma  ever  heard  of. 
As  to  countless  centuries,  during  which  the  Government  has  been  in  the  hands  of 
State  philosophers,  and  the  vernacular  dialects  have  been  abandoned  to  the  laboring 
classes,  how  he  will  be  startled  to  find  that  the  Chinese  language  is,  notwithstanding, 
by  no  means  the  most  intricate,  cumbrous,  and  unwieldy  vehicle  of  thought,  that 
ever  in  spite  of  eighteen  distinct  dialects,  obtained  credence  among  other  people 
including  himself. 

The  fact  is,  it  is  for  this  Government  to  enlighten  the  remainder  of  the  civilized 
world  upon  the  immediate  consequences  so  multitudinously  resulting  from  steam, 
now  permanently  connecting  the  great  race  of  mankind  in  Asia,  inclusive  of  Japan 
ese,  and  exclusive  of  Hindoos,  (as  being  the  latter  taken  care  of  by  the  British) 
nearly  450,000,000  of  people,  with  all  the  chances  of  an  appreciation  of  our  system 
of  civilization,  from  which  consequences  the  realization  of  our  hopes  of  success  of 
progress  among  mankind  at  large  may  be  safely  predicted,  upon  one  condition,  viz., 
that  the  Chinese  language  be  introduced  all  over  the  less  populated  civilized  world. 
It  being  the  language  spoken  by  a  living  people  numbering  400,000,000,  would  be 
far  more  useful  in  the  end  to  know  than  any  language  except  the  English  ;  and  as  to 
Latin  and  Greek,  the  wisdom  derived  through  them  from  those  defunct  pagan  nations 
might  be  found,  upon  close  study,  considerably  exceeded  and  excelled,  for  what  we 
are  really  aware  of  this  day,  by  the  Chinese  classics,  and  at  once  much  valuable  time 
saved  to  the  LIVING  AGE.  A  people  so  very  ancient  and  great  in  numbers,  who 
cariy  with  them,  wherever  they  happen  to  go  for  a  minute  or  two,  three  standard 
virtues  of  our  civilization — Peacefulness,  Industry,  and  Sobriety — should  not  be 
reasoned  with  by  the  sword  by  any  nation,  as  stamping  the  civilized  and  reasoning 
world  in  their  eyes  as  far  more  uncivilized  and  unreasonable,  than  they  themselves  are, 
at  least  surely  were,  previous  to  this  century,  in  that  particular  respect,  and  fully 
explains  that,  for  the  present,  the  Chinese  are  not  a  migrating  people,  and  when  they 
do,  proudly  enshroud  themselves  in  their  ancient  habits,  not  finding  the  civilized 
world  at  all  comprehensibly  superior  to  themselves. 

Another  reason  is  this,  that  they,  when  traveling,  acquire  knowledge  of  the  Eng 
lish  language,  and  interpret  falsely  our  civilization  after  their  own  concretely,  pre 
judiced  fashion,  because  a  mere  smattering  of  a  foreign  language,  sufficient  in  daily 
life,  is  quite  insufficient  to  draw  wisdom  from  literature,  nor  adequate  to  do  justice 
to  and  appreciate  the  virtues  of  a  people,  while  we,  altogether,  tapping  in  darkest 
ignorance  of  the  Chinese  language,  presumptively  judge  at  random  from  hearsay, 
knowing  in  reality  next  to  nothing  ourselves  personally  of  them.  All  this  accounts 
that  the  Chinese  contribute  nothing  to  our  civilization,  except  eatables  and  wearables, 
nor  voluntarily  and  gladly  allow  the  civilized  world  to  benefit  them,  because  of  igno 
rance  of  their  language,  and  prejudices  of  every  sort  against  them,  as  consequent 
upon  general  ignorance  of  their  literature.  That  China  and  Japan  are  redeemable 


88 

September,  1870,  after  a  resistance  of  more  or  less  duration  of  time- 
but  two  of  them,  Strasburg  and  Metz,  had  not.  Being  strongly  for 
tified,  they  fell  into  German  hands  much  later,  and  not  until  after  a 
long  and  laborious  siege.  Already  in  August  the  Government  over 
the  two  provinces  of  Alsace  and  the  German  part  of  Lorraine, 
had  been  duly  and  justly  transferred  to  Germany,  as  one  of  the 
necessities  and  consequences  of  the  war.  Not  only  are  the  people  of 
Alsace  and  Lorraine  originally  German,  whom  the  sacred  duty  to  the 
Union  require  that  they  should  be  annexed,  no  matter  how  long  a 
time  they  had  been  alienated  from  her,  but,  by  abridging  them  from 
France  and  adding  them  to  Germany,  the  numerical  strength  of  the 
former  became  duly  diminished,  while  that  of  the  -  latter  augmented 


in  time  to  republicanism,  through  adoption  of  our  civilization,  appears  very  encour 
agingly  certain  from  the  virtues  aforenamed,  which  they  very  universally  possess  to 
an  astonishing  degree,  and  the  friendliness  which  their  Governments  and  peoples 
show  America  in  preference  to  Europe,  which  they  view  as  a  torn-to-pieces  conglom 
eration  of  small  nations,  very  far  inferior  to  them  in  compactness,  and  as  they  con 
clude,  from  constant  wars,  in  all  other  respects.  No  !  our  honor  now  forbids  to  rest, 
since  steam  affords  us  a  constant  opportunity  of  coming  in  close  contact  with  them, 
until  we  can  explain  to  them  in  their  own  vernacular  why  we  are  the  civilized  peo 
ple,  of  whom  they  would  and  should  profit,  morally,  socially,  and  materially,  and 
thus  gain  upon  them  the  adoption  of  our  American  principles  of  civilization,  and  the 
steady  customship  of  innumerable  articles  of  commerce,  especially  the  consumption 
of  our  impenetrable  forests,  which,  on  the  Knitchpack,  in  Alaska  alone,  would  pay 
for  the  little  outlay  of  $7,250,000  ten-fold  to  begin  with,  and  which,  otherwise,  would 
stay  there  until  the  next  flood. 

The  antipathy  which  the  civilized  world  has  against  them  to-day,  as  absorbing 
labor  to  the  pecuniary  detriment  of  our  people,  would  last  forever,  as  consequent 
upon  the  impossibility  of  nationally  and  familiarly  associating  with  them  as  yet,  on 
account  of  the  prevailing  ignorance  of  their  language,  and  our  pardonable  prejudices 
against  their  tastes,  their  habits,  and  their  manners,  in  consequence  of  having,  so  to 
say,  but  now  come  in  earnest  contact  with  them  since  the  creation  of  the  world, 
which  reciprocated  antipathy  befogs  the  true  interests  and  enlightened  duties  of  two 
halves  of  mankind. 

The  time  has  come  for  the  ice  of  clannishness  and  intolerance — the  offspring  of 
ignorance — to  melt,  before  the  genial  warmth  of  an  ever-progressing,  universal 
enlightenment,  and  the  question  forever  and  ever  truthfully  answered.  Has  God  cre 
ated  two  halves  of  mankind,  that  they  should  live  estranged  upon  this  earth  ? — that 
they  should  live  in  enmity,  or  be  the  laughing  stock  of  each  other  ?  Has  the  aristo 
crat  ever  charitably  conceived  it  that  the  savage  lives  by  the  same  grace  of  the 
Almighty  Creator  of  the  illimitable  Universe  as  he  does  ?  And  that,  consequently, 
he  should  go  there  and  befriend  him,  and  consider  the  Samaritan  promptings  of  such 
an  act  in  the  light  of  a  performance  of  a  filial  duty  to  God,  and  himself  as  a 
gentleman.  Besides,  what  would  our  civilization  really  amount  to  if  we  could  not 
make  more  money  out  of  barbarians  than  they  of  us?  Onithe  other  hand,  in  what 
does  Europe  benefit  America?  Setting  aside  the  immigrant  question,  in  what  would 
it  so  do,  suppose  we  had  110  commerce  with  Asia,  with  Oceanica,  and  with  Africa  ? 
Perhaps  the  aristocrat  will  condescend  to  answer  candidly  !  Again,  how  those 


89 

to  approach  to  and  form  an  equal  balance  of  power  of  strength 
among  the  two  nations,  which,  for  the  sake  of  peace  hereafter,  was, 
more  than  any  other  reclamation,  absolutely  necessary,  and,  there 
fore,  demanded  of  France  to  comply  with. 

The  hue  and  cry  which  arose  against  this  proceeding  among  civil 
ized  nations,  had  a  treble  origin,  all  of  which  three  reasonings  were 
not  alone  unjust,  but  wrong  altogether. 

Firstly.  The  republicans  all  over  the  world  thought  it  their  duty  to 
be  with  the  Eepublic  of  France,  as  Napoleon  had  left  with  no  possi 
bility  of  a  return;  who,  having  once  not  only  abjured  the  Republic, 


Chinese  and  Japanese  yearn  to  learn  of  us,  the  Japanese  have  lately  best  shown. 
Therefore,  it  is  our  turn,  indeed,  to  quickly  learn,  if  not  Japanese,  at  least  Chinese, 
as  being  a  vernacular  spoken  by  a  ten  times  larger  nation  than  the  Japanese  lan 
guage  is  diffused  among,  teach  it  in  all  public  schools  of  America  and  Europe. 
Waste  no  more  time  upon  dead  languages  than  is  materially  considered  absolutely 
necessary.  Our  Oriental  students  coming  here  to  study  Webster,  Clay,  and  Sumner, 
and  finding  us  bending  over  Plato,  Cicero,  or  Demosthenes,  would  politely  substi 
tute  the  great  Chinese  Confucius,  and  with  all  the  etiquette  of  a  devout  Salaam,  leave 
for  home  by  the  next  mail  steamer. 

The  smaller  scholars  in  our  schools  would  be  far  .more  amused  to  learn  Chinese 
than  any  European  language,  for  the  reason  that  the  writing  is  so  contrived  as  to 
denote  by  the  same  character  the  sounds  of  each  cf  the  nineteen  different  words,  all 
of  which  it  equally  represents,  and  is,  therefore,  very  easily  acquired.  It  is  likewise 
known  that  it  is  of  no  great  use  among  the  multitude  in  China  who  cannot  read, 
which  would  be  of  so  much  greater  advantage  to  our  people  in  the  end. 

At  present  it  appears  that  of  all  the  great  scholars  of  the  Chinese  language,  outside 
that  mysterious  fraternity,  there  is  probably  not  one  who  to-day  can  converse  in  six 
of  those  aforesaid  eighteen  dialects,  or  could  either  orthographically  write  or  inter 
pret  an  important  State  paper  without  the  assistance  of  a  teacher.  Alas  !  Those 
teachers,  who  are  they  ?  So  far  to  foreigners  in  China,  on  account  of  prejudice  and 
mistrustfulness  on  the  part  of  the  Chinese,  for  reasons  above  stated,  the  teachers  which 
can  be  obtained  are  obviously  but  the  very  scum  and  refuse  of  the  Chinese  literary 
body,  the  plucked  of  the  examinations,  and  the  runagates  from  justice  or  tyranny. 
These  are  engaged  at  a  lower  salary  by  foreigners  than  they  would  obtain  among  the 
Chinese  as  Secretaries  to  a  high  official,  if  they  were  otherwise  suitable  ;  and  if  they 
are  calygraphists,  or  speak  a  tolerable  idiom,  or  pronounce  with  a  certain  purity  of 
accent,  (although  they  have  to  be  unavoidably  feared  as  domestic  spies,  repeating  all 
they  see  and  hear)  they  are  blandly  respected  by  some  confiding  Sinologue,  who 
maintains  them  because  he  can't  help  himself.  If  one  of  those  Chinese  philologists 
should  happen  also  to  be  the  son  of  some  small  mandarin,  he  becomes  to  his  pupil 
a  very  great  authprity  on  Chinese  politics.  Chinese  politics  !  Good  !  Non-inter 
course  !  which  signifies  that  all  mankind  is  barbarous  save  themselves,  because  they 
can  do  without  the  outside  world  of  600,000,000,  and  have  so  done  for  ages,  together 
with  the  Japanese,  while  we  cannot  do  without  them,  because  we'  need  their  teas. 
The  above  teacher  is,  at  the  same  time,  a  Petronius  of  Chinese  ceremonial.  Papers 
are  indited,  and  foreign  policy  is  shaped  according  to  the  response  of  this  oracle. 
The  Sinologue  who  derives  his  inspiration  from  this  source,  is  again  taken  as  an 
absolute  authority  by  the  civilized  world  in  general.  He  has,  furthermore,  to  think 
it  his  official  duty  to  adopt,  while  he  is  in  the  flowery  land,  what  he  is  given  to 
10 


,90 

had  ever  since  availed  himself  of  his  sovereign  power  to  gratify  dynas- 
tical  pride  at  the  expense  of  the  prodigal  trust  of  a  confiding  nation. 
That  from  under  imperial  robes,  thus  folded  a  republican  heart, 
should  designedly  have  disguised  itself,  harboring  the  noble  intention 
of  setting  Europe  free  after  France  should  have  conquered  its  heteroge 
neous  millions  and  annexed  them  to  France,  upon  the  example  of  Amer 
ica  absorbing  into  the  folds  of  outstretched  brotherly  arms  the  emigrant 
from  any  portion  of  the  terrestrial  globe,  the  world  has  long  ago 
eschewed  as  a  base  imposition  upon  its  credulity,  and  therefore  exe 
crated  the  Napoleons. 

The   idea   of    monarchs   and    conquerors    taking   America  as   an 
example  !     Why,  America,  no  more  than  a  Free  Mason  or  an  Odd 


understand  are  Chinese  customs,  and  to  amuse  himself  the  best  way  he  can  by  pity 
ing  instead  of  studying  the  Chinese  anti-flooded,  rather  antique  and  interesting  cere 
monial  of  •100,000,000  peaceable,  sober,  and  industrious  people. 

Returning  to  the  moral  principle  of  republicanism  as  resting  upon  enlightenment, 
it  is  considered  the  first,  highest,  and  strongest  pillar  of  truth,  which  reason  builds 
through  all  nges,  that,  the  human  race  has  equal  rights  and  duties.  An  universally 
educated  country  will  always  guarantee  an  easy  going  republic.  As  to  France,  it 
has  less  idolatrous  spirit  of  caste,  and  consequently  is  more  self-possessed  of  a 
manly  appreciation  of  the  principles  of  republicanism,  than  any  other  nation  in 
Europe.  Her  people  are  proverbial  for  graceful,  social  manners,  and  a  jovial, 
hilarious  spirit.  Proofs  are,  her  various  attempts  at  a  republic,  while  every 
where  else  in  Europe,  ignorance,  and  strange  to  say  including  France — among 
280,000,000  of  people— and  their  want  of  all  personal  influence  and  power,  in  con 
sequence,  was  hithertofore  so  pitifully  discernible  that  it  could  not  much  more  than 
be  thought  of  by  them,  far  less  be  attempted  with  the  remotest  hope  of  success. 
Republicanism  is  altogether  the  personification  of  gentility.  It  is  universal  par 
excellence.  The  definition  of  that  word  is  Freedom,  is  Christianity,  is  Masonry,  is 
Odd  Fellowship,  etc. ;  in  short,  is  everything  reasonable,  good,  enlightened,  amia 
ble  and  independent.  In  the  United  States  of  America  every  born  American  is  a 
gentleman  by  the  breath  of  liberty.  The  formal  European  finds  it  out  in  about  a 
score  of  years;  the  poor,  however,  feel  it  upon  landing  that  the  Americans  are  not 
the  only  ones  so  born.  In  the  meantime  the  aristocrat  suffers  dreadfully  from 
ennui.  Everybody  labors  but  he :  the  effeminated  or  prejudiced  European  does  not ; 
at  least  not  with  that  natural  ease  with  which  the  born  American  performs  that 
wisely  ordained  intellectual  duty  by  which  he  guards  himself  against  sin,  until  the 
habits  of  the  European  are  entirely  changed  by  the  ever-tossing  wheel  of  time. 
Then  only  has  he  benefited  by  his  travels,  and  then  only  does  he  stay  where  he  is 
and  is  genteel.  As  labor,  demanded  by  the  physical  condition  of  man,  is  a  wise 
peremptory  necessity,  so  it  is  destined  to  serve  as  the  promoting  power  of  virtue 
and  morality,  being  the  whetstone  of  the  intellect,  when  obeyed  in  cheerfully  and 
voluntarily,  mentally  or  manually  performed.  It  consequently  creates  that  gentility 
which  is  but  a  double  progress — an  augmentation  of  the  attributes  of  civilization 
and  an  increase  of  the  comlort,  :incl  happiness  to  the  individual  being. 

The  application  of  time  constantly  devoted  to  either  mental  or  manual  labor, 
leaving  no  room  for  a  waste  of  energy  from  idleness  and  its  degrading  effects  of 
slothful  habits  leads  to  the  attainment  of  wealth.  That  there  are  among  the 
40,000,000  Americans  already  more  substantially  wealthy  individuals  than  can  be 


91 

Fellow,  thinks  of  forcing  people  into  the  union  of  brotherly  love  ! 
It  might  as  well  ask  a  grown  up  Apache,  or  a  bigamist,  or  a  criminal, 
or  an  habitual  drunkard,  or  an  infidel,  or  any  other  vicious  or  crazy 
element,  to  be  their  brother !  No !  If  charity  demands  pity  of  man  and 
nations  in  the  sight  of  GocL.  it  likewise  demands  prudence  not  to 
expose  a  good  cause  to  the  infallible  ruin  from  seduction  by  what 
is  barbarous  and  fatal  to  it.  Charity  strives,  by  all  manner  and 
means,  to  civilize  and  befriend  man  wherever  he  lives  forlorn,  in  order 
that 'he  may  appreciate  freedom  for  his  own  and  for  the  good  of  man 
kind. 


found  among  280,000,000  Europeans,  is  traceable  only  to  that  fact  of  an  universal 
love  of  voluntary  individual  labor,  which  is  instigated  by  personal  independence  in 
a  free  and  fabulously  rich  country.  Such  men  always  appreciate  freedom,  enjoy 
wealth,  and  live  peaceably.  Every  gentleman  is  peaceable  when  In?  is  at  work.  It 
includes  a  fearful  courage  at  the  same  time,  when  he  is  disturbed  at  it.  Attack  a 
peaceable  man,  a  peaceable  nation,  and  the  aggressor  is  either  cut  by  the  frown  of 
independence  and  the  etiquette  of  disgust ;  or,  if  murderously  inclined,  suffers 
extermination  forthwith.  So  it  was  in  the  war  for  the  defense  of  the  Union  in 
America,  and  so  it  is  now  for  the  defense  of  the  Union  of  Germany.  Deplorable  as 
the  cases  are  in  this  enlightened  age,  yet  they  admit  of  no  alternative.  Revenge  is 
unknown,  unforgiving  heart's  revenge.  A  civilized  man  governs  himself,  and 
never  offends.  The  law  is  made  for  ungovernable  men.  Every  gentleman  lives 
withfn.  the  boundary  of  decorum,  therefore  within  the  pale  of  law  and  decency.  In 
the  United  States  of  America  law  is  subordinate  to  the  immense  masses  of  gentle 
men,  who  do  not  need  it  except  as  a  guarantee  for  the  comforts  of  life  to  be  officially 
testified  to.  As  to  a  fear  of  the  law,  it  is  not  so  understood  in  America  at  all.  A 
gentleman  fears  nothing,  averring  rightly  that  fear  is  the  consciousness  of  guilt— the 
remembrance  of  a  bad  action;  a  gentleman  is  never  guilty  of  anything  which  might 
be  called  bad;  he  communes  with  God  and  governs  himself  before  he  acts,  which 
leads  to  lawful  and  civilized  actions— makes  friends  instead  of  enemies  wherever  he 
lives,  which  is  sense  well  applied,  and  which  education,  good  company,  especially 
Ladies',  and  an  appreciation  of  art,  science,  and  the  beauties  of  nature,  develop  in 
him. 


PART   THE   SEVENTH. 


WHY    PEACE    WAS    NOT    CONCLUDED    AT    SEDAN! 


The  republicans,  in  other  words,  the  entire  unbiased  civilized 
world,  became  at  last  convinced  that  the  republic  of  France  had  bet 
ter  yield  the  two  provinces  to  Germany,  because  these  were,  as 
already  stated,  of  German  origin,  had  been  German  property  once 
summarily  taken,  had  now  in  monarchical  fashion  been  legitimately 
re-conquered,  and  by  their  population  diminishing  France  and  en 
larging  Germany,  adjusted  the  physical  strength  of  both  nations  upon 
a  satisfactory  equality  absolutely  necessary  for  the  sake  of  future 
peace  in  Europe.  They  argued  correctly  that  the  republican  cause 
had  lost  nothing  by  the  cession,  if  considered  that  Germany  toJday 
like  Great  Britain  stands  upon  intellectual  and  moral  grounds,  dis- 
guisedly  nearer  the  principles  of  a  legitimate,  lawful,  Taw-abiding  and 
therefore  permanent  republic,  nourishing  in  peace  only,  than  France 
visibly  does  in  spite  of  the  latter,  remaining  ahead  of  both  Germany, 
Great  Britain  with  her  colonies,  as  well  as  the  entire  remainder  of 
nations  upon  the  continent  of  Europe,  with  the  only  exception  of 
Switzerland  and  Montenegro,  because  it  is  one  to-day,  and  the  others 
are  not,  which  guarantees  to  a  republic  wherever  it  is  in  reality  es 
tablished,  the  sympathy  of  the  civilized  world  with  the  United  States 
of  America  at  their  head,  acknowledging  its  legitimacy. 

Viewed  from  this  consistent  point  of  view,  the  idleness  of  the 
SECOND  ARGUMENT  against  the  acquisition  of  Alsace  and  a  portion 
of  Lorraine  is  likewise  exonerated  and  explained  as  follows:  The 
two  provinces  conquered  from  Germany  posterior  to  the  foundation, 
in  due  historical  rotation,  of  the  French  monarchical  power  over  the 
continent  of  Europe,  as  founded  by  Henry  IV,  within  that  period  of 
his  reign  which  dates  from  1598  to  1610,  and  was  possible  only  and 
consequent  upon  the  decline  of  Spain  at  the  time  of  the  government 
of  Lerma,  and  which  French  traditional  power  has  been  perpetuated 
as  such  through  the  three  consecutive  dynasties  of  the  Bourbons,  the 
Orleans  arid  Napoleons,  up  to  the  4th  of  September,  1870,  when  it 
was  duly  ceded  to  Imperial  Germany  by  the  force  of  this  war — as  to 
these  two  provinces  republican  France  now  says,  it  will  not  spare  an 


93 

inch  of  territory.  What  does  it  mean  ?  Do  they  think  the  people 
of  Alsace  and  Lorraine  are  consigned  to  perdition  ?— are  irredeema 
bly  lost  to  republicanism  ?  which  principle  embraces  not  only  Ger-  % 
many,  but  mankind!!  No.  It  means  nothing  less  than  that  the 
Republic  will  continue  in  the  footsteps  of  the  principles  of  mon 
archy,  power!  and  is  not  sure  of  its  permanency,  being  harrassed  by 
monarchical  claimants  and  their  troublesome  adherents.  Anyhow, 
it  is  very  inconsistent  and  very  unwise  if  considered  that  Germany 
never  yet  proved  an  aggressive  spirit,  nor  that  any  monarchy  ever 
yet  dared  to  attack  a  legitimate  republic,  and  in  this  case,  Germany, 
a  disguised  republic  as  to  comparative  intelligence  and  fitness,  and  as 
such  peaceably  inclined  towards  all  foreign  nations,  except  those 
which  shall  withhold  German  non-republican,  elements  from  immedi 
ate  cession  to  the  fatherland,  gives  as  great  a  guarantee  to  Alsace  and 
Lorraine  for  the  future  happiness  of  the  prosperity  of  their  popula 
tion  as  France  does. 

Monarchical  Germany  can  wage  war  against  those  foreign  nations 
only  which  call  a  Germanic  population  their  own,  as  Austria,  Russia, 
Holland,  excluding  Switzerland  only,  where  the  Germans  are  already 
living  under  a  republican  form  of  government,  and  need  no  prelimi 
nary  fostering  and  care,  and  which  aforesaid  nations  shall  refuse  that 
liberal  pay  or  exchange  for  their  Germanic  elements,  which  Germany 
is  duty  bound  to  prodigally  offer  for  the  sake  of  the  fulfillment  of 
her  sacred  duty  to  complete  the  union  by  gathering  together  her  Ger 
manic  elements,  but  never  will  the  Emperors  of  Germany  wage  war 
upon  civilized  nations  with  an  anti-feudal  aggressive  design  upon  ter- 
ritor}r,  and  indulge  in  a  Caesarian  lust  for  barbarous  conquests  gen 
erally. 

When  thereupon  the  French  republic  argues :  ' '  You  do  not  take 
the  German  Swiss  from  the  republic  of  Switzerland,  why  do  you  take 
the  German  French  from  the  republic  of  France  ?"  The  answer  is, 
that  if  France  to-day  had  Alsace  and  Lorraine,  it  would  to-morrow 
forsake  a  third  time  the  glorious  republic  and  be  monarchical  toute 
suite,  and  as  such  would  be  unjustly  unforgiving,  war  inclined  as 
before,  try  as  quickly  as  possible  to  recuperate,  endeavor  to  form 
alliaDces  with  all  Europe  if  possible,  and  march  like  locusts  by  mill 
ions  in  balloons,  with  the  white  flag  or  the  lily  flowers  pending,  as 
the  case  may  be,  to  Berlin  as  if  nothing  at  all  had  lately  happened. 
That  explains  it  for  the  very  good  of  the  republic,  why  Emperor 
William  did  not  already  conclude  peace  at  Sedan,  because  he  could 
not  get  from  the  Republic  of  France  those  strategical  points  and 
lands  necessary  for  the  defence  of  Germany  in  case  of  a  third  over 
throw  of  the  republic.  He  had  history  as  well  as  knowledge  of  the  • 
character  of  the  moiiarchically  inclined  portion  of  the  French  peo- 


94 

pie  to  guide  him,  and  although  he  proved  by  the  acknowledgment 
of  the  republic,  that  politically  he  had  confidence  in  its  permanency, 
yet  he  had.  duties  to  perform  towards  Germany  which  were  peremp 
tory  in  the  face  of  the  Bourbons  and  the  Orleans  being  visibly  about. 
He  is  by  no  means  unamiable  on  that  account,  or  at  all  a  conqueror 
in  a  barbarous  sense;  if  he  was  a  second  Barbarossa  he  would  have 
conquered  the  whole  of  France  at  once,  and  kept  it,  instead  of  which, 
he  was  satisfied  with  the  symbolical  act  of  a  centaurian  gallop  around 
the  Arc  of  Triumph,  like  a  man  of  principle  and  not  of  retaliation, 
in  memory  of  his  father,  Frederick  William  III,  and  the  entire  Ger 
many,  balancing  accounts  with  the  shade  of  the  first  Napoleon,  and 
then  quietly  retired  without  further  noticing  the  captive  one  at  Wil- 
helmshcehe. 

When,  therefore,  the  Germans  marched  on  from  Sedan  to  Paris, 
and  there  around  the  Arc  of  Triumph,  to  finish  the  conquest  over  the 
former  general  monarchial  power  of  France,  still  smouldering  in  a 
warlike  and  revengeful  republic,  the  sturdy  architect  of  Germany  did, 
simultaneously  of  time,  a  signal  service,  and  a  great  deal  of  good  to 
the  republican  cause,  which  it  is  obvious  he  must  have  had  at  heart, 
when  he  acknowledged  the  young  republic  born  under  his  very  eyes, 
weighing  correctly  the  chance  of  her  permanency  against  those  of  a 
disgraceful  collapse  as  dearly  affecting  the  peaceful  growth  of  future 
Germany.  It  demonstrated  confidence  in  the  majority  of  the  French 
nation,  while  it  pointed  to  the  olive  branch  of  peace,  which,  above  all, 
should  be  the  greatest  adornment  upon  the  forehead  of  the  Goddess 
of  Liberty  that  they  Republicans  should  not  further  resist  as  unworthy 
of  their  principles. 

Has  ever  a  brave  nation,  or  really  a  brave  man,  a  good  cause,  a 
noble  intention,  been  disgraced  by  defeat?  Can,  for  instance,  a 
republic  like  America  ever  be  disgraced  ?  By  whom  or  by  what  ? 
One  should-  like  to  know.  Has  Christ  not  forgiven  the  very  people 
whom  he  could  not  with  his  two  hands  prevent  killing  him?  So 
should  every  republican  be  as  good  as  Christ,  and  every  man  be  a 
republican,  until  there  is  not  a  hand  lifted  to  strike,  which  makes 
self-defense  of  the  other  unnecessary.  That  is  why  the  civilized  world 
are  called  Christians,  that  we  should  follow  his  example  ;  that,  incase 
of  helpless  misery  in  life,  of  defeat,  or  even  of  death,  among  bar 
barians,  we  possess  that  inner  courage — fortitude,  resignation,  and 
faith — which  is  ready  in  a  good  conscience  at  all  times  to  cling  in  the 
exquisitiveness  of  a  loving  caress  to  God,  the  Creator  of  the  Universe, 
by  whose  inscrutable  wisdom  we  at  all  here  do  live  and  die.  Does 
man  ever  forget,  or  is  so  blind  that  he  can't  see,  that  he  is  God's  son, 
as  well  as  anybody  that  is  and  was  created  by  His  Grace  ?  That  each 
tiny  plant,  each  worm,  lives  by  the  same  inscrutable  grace  only,  for 


UNIVERSITY 

95 


purposes  which  are  mysterious  and  yet  are  not  ?  That  we  live  now 
while  others  lived  in  the  remotest  past  ?  What  arrogates  to  man  superi 
ority  over  the  brute  creation  ?  Man's  equally  distributed  possession  of 
the  divinity  of  an  originally  healthful  reason,  endowed  with  for  the 
purpose  of  living  happily  himself,  and  to  make  others  happy,  while  so 
living  upon  earth.  Therefore,  to  act  unreasonably,  is  to  be  cruel  and 
bad,  non-republican  and  warlike  ;  and  no  civilized  being  likes  to  thus 
stand  degraded  within  himself  before  the  great  Creator. 

The  world  now  acquiesces  in  the  cession  of  those  provinces,  as  the 
population  of  Alsace  and  Lorraine  is  not  lost  to  republicanism,  no  more 
than  we  do  consider  the  entire  civilized  world  lost  to  it ;  on  the  con 
trary,  it  is  steadily  preparing  for  it  as  all  mankind  is  plainly  and  rea 
sonably  redeemable  to  it. 

That  by  an  augmentation  of  Germany  the  cause  of  republicanism  in 
Europe  should  be  retarded,  because  Germany  is  as  yet  inonarchial,  is 
not  dialectical,  therefore  unlogical  and  altogether  wrong.  The  enmity 
of  the  cause  of  republicanism  in  Europe  has  disappeared,  with  the  dis 
closure  of  the  Germans  acknowledging  the  Kepublic  of  France  at  the 
very  moment  of  complete  victory,  generally  so  seductive  an  oppor 
tunity  for  crowned  heads  to  forget  their  vows,  except  in  this  glorious 
case  of  Emperor  William.  History  has  duly  marked  it  that  from  now 
dynastical  rules  are  no  longer  considered  stringently  necessary.  It 
really  and  incontestably  proves  that  Europe  is  far  advanced  in  civil 
ization  ;  it  is  constitutional ;  therefore  on  the  high  road  to  republican 
ism.  It  is,  so  to  say,  a  political  syllabus  got  rid  of  ;  it  is  Protestant 
freedom,  politically  and  nationally  practically  applied,  It  is  in 
accordance  with  liberalism,  as  far  as  the  untutored  millions  are -daily 
more  quickly  becoming  reduced  in  numbers  to  digest  it,  and  be  thank 
ful  for  it  to  God  only.  With  the  King  of  Prussia  transmuting  into  an 
Emperor  of  Germany,  and  acknowledging  the  French  Kepublic  when 
he  had  it  in  his  power  to  absorb  the  whole  French  country,  all  politi 
cal  hierarchy  and  infallibility  to  rule  by  especial  divine  right  is  left 
with  the  empty  chrysalis.  That  act  speaks  volumes  of  rational  hope  for 
Germany  itself  ;  it  is  a  just  tribute  paid  to  the  fact  of  the  existence  of 
enlightenment,  and  a  constant  increase  of  liberty  in  Germany  ;  it  is 
the  unmistakable  dawn  of  freedom.  Thus  reason  wings  itself  etheri- 
ally  high,  throwing  off  all  dogmatical  restraint  which  hinder  its  flight 
.within  the  realm  of  bliss,  and  lives  not  to  conquer  and  to  die,  but  to 
live  and  to  love.  With  such  a  version  of  the  condition  of  Germany 
and  all  Protestant  monarchial  countries,  the  THIRD  AKGUMENT  against 
the  acquisition  of  Alsace  and  Lorraine  is  already  principally  refuted, 
which  advanced  the  theory  that  the  Roman  Catholic  religion  would  be 
assailed,  as  if  religion  was  a  terrestrial  body,  which  could  at  all  be 
slain.  Koman  Catholics  have  found  out  by  this  time  that  Protestant- 


96 

ism  and  Liberalism  go  there  hand  in  hand  at  the  same  rate  as  Roman 
Catholicism  and  Liberalism  go  hand  in  hand  in  Italy.  In  the  same 
proportion  that  beyond  a  constitutional  monarchy  a  nation  advances 
into  the  highest  order  of  civilization,  the  fitness  for  self-government, 
which  are  the  republics  all  over  the  civilized  world,  so  does  religion 
advance  to  prepare  the  mind  of  civilized  man  to  a  direct  pious  com 
munion  with  God.  In  republics  it  is  precisely  where  Roman  Catholics 
and  Protestants  hinder  each  other,  if  at  all,  then  very  harmlessly 
indeed,  and  certainly  not  politically,  of  any  consequence.  Their 
occasional  hatred  in  this  age  is  simply  nonsensical,  because  it  is  not 
any  more  the  offspring  of  ignorance  and  bigotry,  but  an  old,  decrepid 
habit  which  is  fast  becoming  exploded  and  extinct.  It  is  on  a  par 
with  the  hereditarily  diffused  blue  blood  of  aristocracy,  which  fears  an 
inoculation  from  the  lowly,  forgetting  that  it  is  their  crime  of  not 
having  educated  the  masses,  which  criminal  neglect  created  hitherto- 
fore  all  the  insecurity,  hatred,  and  general  disobedience  to  law  and 
order.  Besides,  Protestants  and  Roman  Catholics  have  more  to  do 
than  to  hate  each  other,  when  they  reflect  a  little  that  far  over  half  of 
mankind  await  their  eloquent  persuasion. 

Inasmuch  as  republicanism  testifies  to  civilization  and  signifies  it, 
so  does  Christianity  strive  to  make  proselytes  among  the  nearly  treble 
number  of  heathens  in  Asia,  Africa,  and  Oceanica,  where  Roman 
Catholics  and  Protestants  pioneer  hand  in  hand  with  this  noble 
cosmopolitan  purpose  in  view,  of  redeeming  them  to  our  faith.  There 
is  no  heart  so  obdurate  which  would  not  cease  to  hate  when  minutely 
reflecting  upon  the  vulgarity  of  such  antipathy  and  animosity  among 
Christian  brethren,  that  it  involuntarily  reminds  one  of  a  poem  by 
Tiedge,  about  a  hundred  years  old,  which  always  elates  and  edifies 
wherever  and  whenever  it  is  read: 

"PIETY  . 

Alas!   should'st  from  Thy  grave 

Thou  greatest  sufferer!   arise; 
Once  more  teaching,  bent  upon  a  stave, 

A  wanderer  through  life,  so  wise! 
Should'st  Thou  behold  the  mischief  all!! 

How  they  pervert  the  truth,  this  gift 
Of  wisdom,  plain,  yet  so  beautiful, 

Flowed  from  your  lips,  the  soul  to  lift! 
How  they  disdain  all  love's  affection, 

Press  persecution  from  Thy  teachings, 
Which  teach  to  love  and  bless  upon  reflection  ! 

How  they  forget  all  tolerant  doings, 
Which  bear  with  faults,  love  what  is  good — 

And  Thou,  alas!  dejected  by  contumely 
Up  to  thy  very  last  in  Cypress  blood 

Hast  exercised  upon  Thy  murderers  truly. 


97 

Thou  would'st  now  shed  a  tear 

So  bitter! — as  ever  from  Thy  mortal  eyes 
Then  fell  upon  the  olive  mount  so  dear. 

And  should'st  Thou  here  your  teachings 
Yourself  reveal — they  would:  these  elves 

And  pseudo  exegetics  hearken  to  proceedings, 
Who  hear  no  one  but  themselves — 

Should'st  Thou,  however,  dare  to  differ; 
Not  do,  as  bid  by  their  presumption, 

Not  believe  in  Thee,  except  through  their  transfer — 
They  would  surely  crucify  you  twice. 

Free  schools  to  all  liberally  paid  for  by  a  government,  acknowledged 
as  the  divine  right  of  mankind  to  their  heavenly  dowry,  "  reason," 
which  education  enables  them  to  further  develop  in  active  life  for  the 
purpose  of  being  able  to  lead  a  happy  and  useful  existence,  and  to 
cosmopolitanly  appreciate  republican  life,  as  guaranteeing  the  inde 
pendence  of  man  while  it  rests  upon  the  individual  ability  of  piously 
revering  the  commands  of  God  so  obvious  to  that  effect— is  the  first 
doctrine  of  civilization  practically  applied. 

The  French  nation  hithertofore  barricading  the  way  of  Germany  to 
uniting  her  elements,  had  to  be  disabled  by  physical  force  of  contin 
uing  it  in  the  face  of  the  degree  of  civilization  attained  to  in  the  19th 
century  of  the  Christian  era.  The  French  had  to  be  thoroughly  dis 
abled  for  that  purpose;  it  was  absolutely  necessary,  and  one  may  as 
well  assert,  the  will  of  heaven  that  the  provocation  to  this  war,  which 
accomplished  the  union,  should  have  been  given  by  France.  Now 
while  the  iron  is  hot,  the  Austrian  Germans,  the  Eussian  Germans, 
and  Holland  ought  at  once  to  return  to  their  original  national  allegi 
ance;  the  quicker  it  is  now  enforced  by  Germany,  the  better,  for 
France  recuperated,  unless  she  remains  republican,  might  ally  with 
Austria  and  Russia  for  the  same  vainglorious  purpose  of  conquest  as 
of  yore.  But  if  fourteen  millions  of  Austrian  Germans,  together 
with  all  the  other  non-republican  German  elements  outside  of  Ger 
many,  as  that  country  to-day  shows  its  configuration  of  forty  millions, 
are  added  to  it,  then  peace  is  permanently  established  in  all  Europe, 
and  with  the  rise  of  another  generation  the  Germanic  race  in  Europe 
may  be  predicted  shall  be  republican.  In  the  meantime  Germany 
and  England  unite  to  allow  education  to  take  a  deep  root,  and  what 
ever  revolutionary  disturbances  may  take  place  in  Europe,  they  will 
rightly  pronounce  them  premature,  and  take  care  of  the  north  of 
Europe.  United  Italy,  on  the  other  hand,  will  take  care  of  the  south 
of  Europe,  being  now  unmolested  by  France — a  republic — so  that 
Spain  and  Portugal,  together  with  the  rest  of  the  south  of  Europe, 
mayfnot  be  disturbed  in  their  earnest  strides  for  progress.  Republi 
can  France  is  equivalent  to  peace.  Every  republic  is  equivalent  to  it. 
11 


98 

On  the  other  hand,  nobody  will  dispute  in  Germany  and  England 
that  the  love  of  country  is  sacred;  but  to  say,  to  prefer  a  monarchi 
cal  government  to  a  republican,  and  to  try  to  prove  it,  that  life  and 
property,  law  and  order,  are  safer  and  greater,  would  show  an  effem 
inacy  of  manhood,  which  is  quite  unnatural  to  any  sensible  being, 
and  has  but  one  parallel— that  of  a  rich  bachelor,  or  amiable  maiden 
Lady  to  make  the  world  believe  they  live  happier  in  their  single 
blessedness  than  if  they  were  married,  as  if  they  knew  anything  at 
all  about  it.  Again,  take  a  widower  or  widow  Lady  deprived  of  his  or 
her  playmate  by  death  or  lawful  divorce,  and  observe  how  quickly 
they  again  embrace  matrimony  at  all  hazards.  So  it  is  exactly  with 
an  intelligent  and  moral  man  who  once  has  lived  in  a  republic,  and 
should  change  his  domicil  and  again  live  in  a  monarchical  country; 
how  he  yearns  until  he  has  returned  to  the  republic.  As  to  the  Uni 
ted  States  of  America,  there  is  not  a  man  who  ever  lived  in  sunny 
California  is  absent  abroad  upon  some  occasion  or  other,  who  would 
not  readily  exchange  the  world  for  his  lovely  Eureka. 

One  of  the  most  potent  reasons  why  the  remainder  of  the  civilized 
world  acquiesced  in  the  cession  of  Alsace  and  Lorraine  to  Germany, 
was  besides  the  impossibility  of  preventing  it  by  force,  the  justice  of 
the  case  itself,  which  clearly  demanded  it.  The  idea  to  deprive  a 
victor  of  his  booty,  after  the  entire  Germany  had  been  exposed  to  the 
chances  of  ruin,  and  had  to  offer  upon  the  altar  of  Liberty  a  life,  a 
human  life,  of  greater  value  than  the  universe,  and  more  than  that, 
tens  of  thousands  of  such  sacred  lives,  ignorant  people  only  could 
have  harbored,  or  worse  than  ignorance  of  theirs  that  Germany,  which 
had  just  now  positively  proved  a  sagacity  and  strength  greater  than 
any  continental  nation  in  Europe  possesses,  could  so  have  been  reck 
less  and  soft  as  to  leave  a  conquered  country  empty-handed,  and  all 
out  of  womanish  mercy  and  sickly  sentimentality,  knowing,  as  all  the 
world  does,  that  thereby  it  would  have  actually  encouraged  France 
to  a  repetition  of  the  same  sort  of  intent  to  at  an  early  convenience 
invade  Germany  as  in  1870.  Better  ask  a  tiger  to  give  you  back  the 
lamb;  war  is  barbarous  and  conducts  itself  as  such,  vice  versa. 

This  gandering  arose  at  Sedan,  and  continued  at  Paris  (beautiful 
Paris,  a  third  of  which  demolished  by  exasperated  French  citizens) 
that  Germany  could  afford  to  be  magnanimous  and  abstain  from 
humiliating  France.  Of  course  she  could,  bui^  see  France  five  years 
hence,  as  hinted  before,  resume  the  same  business  of  frightening 
peaceable  nations.  No  !  the  Bowie-knives  had  to  be  kept  ;  leave 
France  to-day  as  strong  as  Germany,  and  there  is  never  any  peace. 
For  that  reason  Germany  now  adds  all  her  Germanic  elements,  dom 
ineered  over  by  foreigners,  for  the  purpose  of  being  not  only  equal 
but  stronger  than  France,  in  order  to  arrive  at  a  permanent  European 


99 

peace.  It  is  then  immaterial,  in  a  strictly  political  point  of  view, 
whether  France  remains  true  to  the  present  republic  or  not. 

As  Germany  does  not  aggress  for  purposes  of  conquest,  surely 
France  cannot  be  parceled  out  like  helpless  Poland.  So  Germany 
took  pay  in  those  two  provinces,  and  Metz  as  the  key  to  the  European 
powder  magazine  of  wars,  for  no  other  reason  than  duty  to  the  Ger 
man  fatherland. 

This  action,  was,  therefore,  never  intended  to  humiliate  France,  no 
more  than  the  First  Napoleon  ever  intended  humiliating  Germany 
by  overrunning  the  whole  country.  It  is  by  no  means  retaliation, 
which  is  as  urichristianly  as  war  itself,  but  simply  proves  that  war 
lurks  in  ambush,  and  that  the  Christian  disciple  is  insincere.* 

Germany  acts,  therefore,  extremely  wise,  if  she  continues  to  absorb 
all  Germanic  elements  throughout  Europe,  for  the  one  purpose,  and 
as  swiftly  as  possible:  to  outnumber  France  in  population,  as  France 
might  forsake  the  Republic,  for  the  third  time,  and  again  go  to  war. 


*  Kather  should  man  ensnare  the  strong  lion  and  rhinoceros  and  other  felines  and 
pachyderms  living  upon  earth,  although  even  those  cannot  be  exterminated  because 
they  are  there  and  eminently  dangerous — no  more  than  the  most  destructive  arms 
can  exterminate  war,  despotism  and  revenge;  the  guillotine  aristocrats,  or  a  Bar 
tholomew's  night,  the  Protestants.  The  weapon  successfully  wielded  against  fury, 
injustice  and  intolerance  is  equal  knowledge.  It  is  by  reason  that  man  and  nations 
shall  govern  himself  and  themselves,  and  overcome  difficulties  as  God  points  to  the 
aforesaid  physically  thousand-fold  stronger  creation  that  it  shall  be  so. 

Look  upon  the  street,  and  you  will  find  the  divine  nationality  of  the  race — the 
promiscuous  multitude  of  human  beings  of  equally  puny  height  within  an  inch  or 
two,  as  being  equally  destined  by  God  to  live  socially,  contentedly  and  hopefully  in 
the  world.  It  is  the  clue  to  the  truth  that  the  rights  of  man  are  the  same  which 
knowledge — the  developed  reason — explains  and  duly  expounds.  You  will  find 
them  following  each  other  through  this  life  like  monkeys  crossing  a  stream,  co  con 
tinue  upon  the  other  side  in  safety  and  harmony.  That  swarth  for  man  is  wisdom 
— to  live  peaceably  everywhere  and  enjoy  life  socially.  It  is  reason  fully  developed. 
It  is  the  Eden  found  upon  earth ;  the  lee-side  of  the  storm  of  war  and  individual 
passion.  It — is — wisdom  ^liow — to — lice. 

As  God  gives  life,  he  takes  it— and  nobody  else  dare. 

I 


PART  THE  EIGHTH. 


THE  CAPITULATION  OF  STRASBURG  AND  METZ.— NAVAL 
ENGAGEMENTS. 


The  province  of  Alsace  and  the  German  portion  of  Lorraine  were 
therefore  added  to  Germany,  and  Strasburg  and  Metz  taken,  as  per 
emptorily  necessary  for  future  safety.  The  fortress  of  Strasburg,  so 
bravely  defended  by  its  commander,  General  Uhrich,  from  the  llth 
of  August,  yielded  the  keys  on  the  28th  of  September,  at  last.  Nei 
ther  the  investment  nor  a  dreadful  bombardment,  which  unfortun 
ately  devastated  a  large  portion  of  the  city,  with  its  columns  and 
treasures  of  arts,  proved  of  avail  to  induce  the  heroic  General  Uhrich 
to  surrender.  A  regular  assault  had  to  be  made  before  success 
crowned  the  heroic  efforts  of  the  great  German  General  von  Werder. 
Hoisting  the  white  flag  to  the  world  renowned  Strasburg  Cathedral, 
at  the  immense  height  of  430  feet,  it  being  the  27th  of  September, 
1870,  reminded  Germany  of  how,  198  years  ago,  that  celebrated  city 
was  torn  from  the  German  empire  by  France.  The  day  of  that  anni 
versary,  the  27th  Sept.,  1870,  the  fortress  mournfully  capitulated.  A 
month  later  the  energy  and  perseverance  of  the  German  troops  were 
likewise  and  equally  brilliantly  recompensed  by  the  success  before 
Metz.  After  having  nine  long  weeks  invested  the  place,  apparently 
an  invulnerable  one,  suffering  hunger  and  cold,  and  exposed  as  a 
target  to  a  deadly  fire  of  grape,  and  having  repelled  those  energetic 
assaults  of  ^Bazaine's,  which  he  ventured  on  even  after  the  battles  of 
Noisseville,  of  Peltre,  of  Mercy,  of  St.  Remy,  and  at  last  of  Woippy, 
on  the  7th  of  October,  which  latter  lasted  nine  hours;  then  it  was  at 
that  critical  moment  that  the  misery  of  the  besieged  becoming  an  ally  of 
the  Germans,  induced  the  proud  Marshal,  with  173,000  men,  to  capit 
ulate.  At  the  castle  Frescaty,  on  the  27th  October,  1870,  this  event 
received  its  historical  signature,  and  the  second  French  army  corps, 
like  the  first  one,  was  sent  into  captivity  to  Germany.  So  the  laurels 
faded  which  Bazaine,  the  victor  of  San  Puebla,  had  not  long  since 
usurped  in  Mexico,  while  Prince  Frederick  Charles  had  patriotically 
gathered  new  ones  at  Metz,  in  France,  similarly  to  the  Crown  Prince 


101 

of  Prussia,  the  victor  of  Orleans,  had  gathered  his,  both  receiving  the 
rank  of  Field-Marshal  Generals,  as  memento  mori  in  due  conse 
quence  of  their  services  to  the  German  nation,  and  the  well  deserved 
sincere  thanks  besides. 

Less  prominent  than  were  the  successes  on  terra  jirma,  yet  not 
without  importance  to  Germany,  were  those  at  sea,  in  the  memorable 
summer  and  fall  of  1870.  General  Yogel  von  Falckenstein,  having 
been  appointed  Governor-General  of  all  the  lands  upon  the  German 
coast,  issued,  on  the  24th  of  July,  a  demand  for  volunteers  to  join 
the  marine.  Then  torpedoes  were  laid  and  the  coast  properly  forti 
fied  to  prevent  the  possible  landing  of  the  enemy,  and  the  little  Ger 
man  fleet  lay  ready  at  Kiel  and  Wilhelmshaven  to  cope,  to  the  best  of 
its  ability,  with  the  by  far  stronger  one  of  the  French,  relying  some 
what  upon  the  ignorance  of  the  French  of  the  geography  of  the  coasts 
of  the  North  sea  and  the  Baltic.  Strange  to  say,  the  French  fleet  was 
really  unsuccessful.  Barely  two  engagements  deserve  mention  :  the 
one  off  the  island  Ruegen,  and  the  other  off  Weichselmuende, 
the  harbor  of  Danzig  upon  the  Vistula.  In  the  West  Indes,  off  the 
Moro  of  Havana,  the  German  gun-boat  "Meteor"  preserved  the 
honor  of  the  German  flag  in  a  bout  with  the  "  Bouvet."  The  Ger 
man  ships  "  Grille,"  and  "  Nymphe,"  had  done  similar  brave  acts  in 
the  German  waters. 

In  the  meantime,  the  second  period  of  the  siege  of  Paris  had  com 
menced  to  develop  itself  against  the  Republic  of  France. 

On  the  19th  of  September,  the  larger  portion  of  the  German  armies 
had  reached  Paris  in  forced  marches,  forming  a  huge  and  strong  gir 
dle  of  some  forty  odd  English  miles  in  extent  around  the  city,  which 
the  statesman  under  Louis  Phillippe,  the  venerable  Thiers,  had  once 
metamorphosed  into  one  of  the  strongest  fortresses  upon  the  globe. 
It  was  about  that  time  that  peace  appeared  near  at  hand,  for  suddenly 
the  President  of  the  French  Republic,  Monsieur  Jules  Favre,  appeared 
at  the  German  headquarters,  soliciting  an  interview  with  Count  Bis- 
rnarck  respecting  the  chances  for  an  armistice.  But  their  auspices 
were  not  good,  and  the  non-republican  conduct  of  the  French  at  the 
time,  of  not  yielding  what  was  demanded  by  common  sense  and 
equity,  and  had  and  should  be  granted  to  the  Germans  as  victors, 
frustrated  their  accomplishment.  This  political  blunder  on  the  part 
of  the  young  republic  has  already  been  explained  at  large  upon  pre 
vious  pages.  Suffice  here  once  more  to  say  that  the  world  at  large 
approved  the  cession  of  territory  for  the  purpose  of  the  equalization  of 
the  military  strength  of  the  two  nations,  and  a  payment  of  five  mil 
liards  of  francs  for  damages  besides,  for  what,  in  fact, "cannot  be  at 
all  refunded:  the  divine  lires  of  human  beings,  having  died  by  thou 
sands,  contrary  to  civilization.  Therefore,  war  continued,  and  more 


102 

sanguinary  in  proportion  to  the  resistance  offered  than  before.  In 
fact,  all  France  arose  and  followed  Gambetta,  to  try  what  was  neither 
wisdom  nor  republicanism,  but  savored  much  of  hatred  and  revenge 
instead  of  patriotism.  Besides,  as  might  have  been  foreseen,  it  proved 
unavailing. 

The  damage  done  by  the  French  to  France  in  these  national  efforts, 
in  the  way  of  destruction  of  roads  and  property,  was  a  severe  lesson 
to  the  young  republic  for  having  disgraced  the  sacred  republican  doc 
trine  of  peace,  having  parliamentary  ways  at  her  disposal  to  force 
Thiers  to  leave.  The  excuse  for  self-defense  on  their  part  was  inad 
missible,  because  the  Germans  had  been  found  ready  to  accept  peace 
against  being  paid  for  what  was  fair,  and  besides  were  known  as  not 
harboring  any  intention  whatever  of  an  opprobrious  kind,  as  touching 
the  independence  of  France.  As  to  the  frantic  fury  of  the  French,  in 
trying  to  prevent  the  organized  German  armies  of  continuing  their 
besieging  operations  before  Paris,  it  was,  as  might  have  been  expected, 
ineffectual. 


PART  THE  NINTH. 


THE  SIEGE  OF  PARIS,  AND  THE  BATTLES  AGAINST  THE 
AKMY  OF  THE  LOIRE. 


General  Trochu  having  been  appointed  Commander-in-Chief  of  the 
besieged  forces  within  the  walls  of  Paris,  by  the  Kepublican  Govern 
ments  at  Paris  and  at  Tours,  had  an  army  of  at  least  350,000  men 
under  his  command,  inclusive  of  National  and  Guards  Mobile.  The 
numerous  and  good  artillery  within  the  forts  consisted  mostly  of 
marines.  Scarcely  had  the  Germans  completed  their  investment, 
when  the  sorties  of  the  French  commenced,  demanding  incessant 
attention  on  the  part  of  the  Germans.  The  latter,  however,  soon 
made  their  work  in  a  manner  thorough,  that,  after  destruction  of  the 
subterranean  telegraph  lines,  the  French  had  no  other  way  of  com 
municating  from  Paris  with  outside  France  than  by  balloon,  which 
was  rather  an  out-of-the-way  mode  of  communicating,  on  account  of 
accidents  from  shots  of  the  enemy,  and  also  under  circumstances 
of  being  so  very  uncertain.  After  the  King  of  Prussia  had  moved 
his  headquarters  to  Versailles,  the  residence  of  Louis  XIV,  the 
sorties  of  the  French  became  often — ostensibly  to  exercise  the  troops, 
but  intentionally  to  break  through  the  enemy's  lines.  On  the  7th 
October  they  pressed  towards  Malmaison  ;  on  the  13th  towards 
St.  Cloud,  which  latter  castle  was  destroyed  by  their  own  grape  from 
Mount  Valerien,  and  on  the  15th  towards  Villejuif.  The  battle  on 
the  21st  October,  near  Malmaison,  in  the  presence  of  King  William, 
was  very  severe,  as  were  those  near  Le  Bourget,  on  the  28th  and  30th 
October,  which  place  had  to  be  stormed  by  the  Prussian  Guards  in 
the  most  heroic  manner,  signifying  severe  losses  of  the  latter  in  offi 
cers  and  men. 

The  month  of  November  went  off  comparatively  quiet,  because  the 
newly-formed  provincial  armies  had  to  receive  their  first  teachings 
from  the  mythological  Mars  ;  the  forts,  however,  keeping  up  a  lively 
but  expensive  cannonade,  which  resulted  in  a  dead  German  costing 
France  about  80,000  francs. 

Gambetta  had  gone  early  in  October,  by  balloon,  to  Tours,  to  there 
organize  three  new  armies,  known  as  the  army  of  the  Loire.  The 


104 

venerable  Garibaldi,  the  celebrated  General  of  Italy,  appeared  among 
them,  and,  with  his  two  sons,  took  command.  But  the  defense, 
nevertheless,  degenerated  into  a  guerilla  warfare,  in  spite  of  the 
remonstrances  of  Garibaldi,  through  the  formation  of  bands  of 
Fraiic-Tireurs,  or  sharpshooters,  who,  lying  in  ambush }  like  at  Ablis 
and  Chatillon,  tried  hard  to  decimate  the  gallant  Prussians,  by  mur 
dering  them.  It  was,  therefore,  luck,  indeed,  for  the  Germans  that 
Metz  fell  into  their  hands  the  latter  part  of  October,  which  enabled 
them  to  send  a  great  army  against  them  to  silence  them  forthwith. 
Part  of  the  entire  army  of  the  Germans  remained  before  Paris,  the 
other  under  Prince  Frederick  Charles  and  the  Grand  Duke  of  Meck 
lenburg,  was  directed  to  operate  against  the  army  of  the  Loire.  Thus, 
the  battles  of  the  Germans  against  the  French  Republic  were  fought 
by  three  armies  stationed  :  the  first,  easterly,  south  of  Alsace,  the  sec 
ond  along  the  River  Loire,  and  the  third  in  the  North  of  France. 

After  Strasburg  had  capitulated,  General  von  Werder  had  the  com 
mand  assigned  to  him  over  the  Eastern  army,  consisting  of  Baden 
troops  and  Prussians,  with  whom  he  cleared  Alsace  the  first  half  of 
October,  in  the  skirmishes  at  Champenai,  Nompatelize,  Epinal,  and 
other  places,  leaving  nothing  of  weight  but  the  strong  fortress  in  the 
mountains  named  Belfort,  the  siege  of  which  was  commenced  later 
on  the  8th  of  November.  Upon  this,  General  von  Werder,  reinforced 
by  the  reserve  army  of  General  Lowenfeld,  advanced  south  upon  the 
Eastern  army,  under  General  Cambriels,  and  upon  the  Garibaldians. 
The  first  he  vanquished  in  the  fight  at  Oignon  Lake,  and  the  latter 
he  drove  out  of  Gray,  invested  Dijon,  (Burgundy)  Montbeliard,  and 
Dole,  and  then  spread  his  operations  toward  the  west,  the  upper  part 
of  the  River  Seine.  On  the  22d  November,  the  General  was  attacked 
by  the  Garibaldians,  at  Nuits,  who  felt  somewhat  more  confident 
since  their  surprise  at  Chatillon.  He  stood  it  bravely,  so  that  when 
a  few  days  later  the  venerable  hero,  Garibaldi,  repeated  the  attack, 
near  Pasques,  trying  to  circumgo  his  location  near  Dijon,  he,  the 
commander  of  Strasburg  memory,  scattered  the  Garibaldians  on  the 
26th  and  27th  November. 

Now  succeed  the  battles  in  the  south,  the  great  battle-field  of  this 
war,  which  occurred  from  October  1870  to  January  1871.  These  were 
indeed  the  most  difficult,  complicated  and  laborious  of  the  whole 
campaign.  Already  in  September  raids  of  cavalry  had  been  made 
against  the  army  of  the  Loire  down  towards  Orleans.  In  the  early 
part  of  October  the  Bavarian  General  von  der  Tann,  reinforced  by 
the  Crown  Prince  of  Prussia,  marching  their  respective  armies  south 
and  engaging  the  enemy  in  victorious  battles  at  Toury,  Etampes  and 
Artenay,  forced  the  latter  to  retreat  towards  Orleans.  That  city  they 
stormed  on  the  12th  of  October,  after  an  engagement  of  nine  houis, 


105 

which  sent  the  French  across  the  Loire.  Shortly  afterwards,  north 
of  Orleans,  General  von  Wittich  annihilated  a  French  army  at 
Chateaudun,  and  taking  the  city,  invested  Chartres  on  the  21st  of 
October.  Towards  the  end  of  that  month  the  German  armies  in  the 
south,  especially  those  under  Prince  Charles,  had  been  largely  in 
creased  after  Toul,  Soissons  and  Metz  had  been  taken,  and  the  end 
of  the  war  supposed  to  be  near  at  hand.  Such  was,  however,  not  the 
case.  The  energy  of  Gambetta  must  have  been  of  an  enormity  truly 
admirable,  although  it  was  not  wisely  conceived,  for  not  only  did  he 
manage  to  largely  increase  the  army  of  the  north,  under  Bourbaki, 
the  army  of  the  west  under  Keratry,  and  the  army  of  the  Loire  under 
Aurelles  de  Paladine,  but  he  put  the  same  on  a  regular  war  footing. 
The  latter  General,  who  had  already  early  in  November  more  than 
80,000  men  under  his  command,  tried  now  to  cut  off  the  Bavarians  at 
Orleans,  he  having  a  vastly  superior  force  at  his  disposal,  and  if  suc 
cessful,  to  reach  Paris  forthwith;  circumstances  favored  him  so  far 
that  General  von  der  Tann  had  to  give  up  Orleans,  and  after  the  fight 
at  Coulmieres  had  to  retire  upon  Toury,  although  the  Grand  Duke  of 
Mecklenburg  had  put  to  flight  part  of  the  army  under  Keratry,  on 
the  17th  of  November,  near  Dreux,  and  General  von  Wittich  had 
forced  back  a  second  portion  of  the  enemy's  army  upon  Chateauneuf . 
Matters  stood  thus  doubtful,  when  Prince  Frederick  Charles  came  to 
the  rescue,  and  thoroughly  routing  Paladine  on  the  28th  of  Novem 
ber  at  Beaune  la  Eolande,  while  on  his  way  to  Paris,  prevented  a 
serious  conflict,  for  General  Trochu,  informed  of  the  intention  of 
Paladine,  made  those  energetic  sorties  at  Brie  and  Champigny  on  the 
30th  of  November,  and  2d  of  December,  respectively,  in  consequence 
of  which  history  has  taken  note  that  these  have  been  unfortunately 
very  sanguinary,  but  nevertheless  were  repulsed.  Simultaneously 
with  these  events  General  Manteuffel  cut  off  the  north  army  under 
Bourbaki,  preventing  it  from  reaching  Paris,  by  defeating  it  at  Amiens. 
In  spite  of  all  these  disasters  the  French  were  by  no  means  discom 
fited.  Dismissing  Aurelles  de  Paladine,  and  gathering  the  disheveled 
masses,  (which  Prince  Charles  in  the  meantime  had  promptly  pursued, 
retaking  Orleans  on  the  4th  of  December)  under  General  Chanzy,  in 
the  west,  and  under  Bourbaki  in  the  east,  it  had  been  shrewdly 
decided  to  intrust  the  army  of  the  north  to  the  most  intelligent  gen 
eral  of  France,  General  Faidherbe,  as  ceded  to  him  by  General  Bour 
baki.  The  French  army  was  now  divided  into  two  commands,  in 
stead  of  as  formerly  into  three.  General  Chanzy  endeavored  to  stay 
the  advance  of  Prince  Charles  upon  Tours,  which  city,  the  Govern 
ment  fancying  defeat  possible,  had  wisely  quitted  in  time,  and 
adjourned  to  Bordeaux,  but  was  defeated  a  second  time  in  battles 
lasting  four  days — from  the  7th  to  the  10th  of  December — at  Beau- 
12 


106 

gency  and  Marchenoir,  retiring  towards  le  Mans  (Oiieannais).  The 
iron  Prince,  together  with  the  Grand  Duke  of  Mecklenburg,  contin 
uing  their  pursuit,  chased  the  French  out  of  Yendome  on  the  15th  of 
December,  and  took  possession  of  the  whole  line  from  le  Mans  to 
Tours.  Not,  however  until  January,  after  many  skirmishes  had  taken 
place,  was  the  army  of  the  west  thoroughly  beaten.  The  battle  of  le 
Mans  (province  Orleannais)  lasting  four  days,  finished  Chanzy  and 
the  army  of  the  west.  The  severity  of  the  winter  had  assisted  the 
Germans  as  it  did  of  yore  the  Kussians  against  the  first  Napoleon, 
besides  the  Germans  are,  as  were  then  the  Russians,  used  to  such 
horrid  cold  weather — France,  therefore,  could  not  be  saved  in  that 
direction.  As  to  the  second  chance :  the  army  of  the  north  under 
Faidherbe  had  to  succumb  to  the  superior  vigor  of  the  Generals  Man- 
teuffel  and  von  Goeben,  although  the  former,  General  Manteuffel, 
had  had  to  evacuate  St.  Quentin  (Picardie)  after  having  invested 
Rouen,  the  great  manufacturing  town  upon  the  River  Seine,  famous 
for  its  iron  works,  and  Dieppe,  a  small  seaport.  Yet  he  managed  to 
throw  the  army  of  the  north,  fully  60,000  strong,  upon  Arras,  after 
the  French  had  suffered  a  second  defeat  near  Amiens  (Picardie)  on 
the  23d  of  December,  two  days  before  Christmas. 

General  Faidherbe,  nothing  daunted,  tried  it  once  more,  early  in 
January,  to  attack  General  Manteuffel,  but  the  Germans  stood  the 
brunt  well  nearJBapaume,  on  the  2d  and  3d  January,  1871.  General 
Manteuffel,  upon  being  transferred  to  a  command  in  the  East,  General 
Goeben  took  charge  of  the  German  army  of  the  North.  He,  likewise, 
was  attacked  by  Faidherbe  off  Cambray,  but  the  Germans  repulsed 
him  a  third  time  in  a  battle  near  St.  Quentin,  (prov.  Picardie)  which 
Jasted  seven  hours,  and  this  time  in  a  manner  which  was  equivalent  to 
a  rout. 

While  all  this  took  place,  Paris  having  now  been  invested  over  three 
months,  yet  unwilling  to  give  up  the  keys  of  the  city,  having  managed 
to  get  at  sufficient  food  some  way  or  another,  and  being  determined  to 
resist  to  the  last,  approached  its  fall.  From  the  19th  to  the  22d 
December,  General  Trochu  debouched,  but  without  success.  The 
German  artillery  at  last  did  the  work  effectively  ;  it  destroyed  the 
strong  position  of  the  French  upon  Mount  Avron  on  the  27th  and 
and  28th  December,  and  on  New  Years  day  200  cannon  sent  the  molten 
gifts  of  Vulcan  into  Paris  and  the  forts,  with  compliments  from 
General  v.  Karneke  and  the  Prince  of  Hohenlohe,  Paris  was  para 
lyzed.  Once  more,  on  the  19th  January,  the  French  tried  it  near 
Mount  Valerien,  but  were  again  defeated  under  the  very  eyes  of 
Emperor  William  of  Germany.  General  Trochu  had  now  to  leave 
his  command,  and  President  Favre  appeared,  on  the  24th  January,  at 
the  headquarters  of  the  Germans  at  Versailles,  to  negotiate  for  a  sur- 


107 

render.  Paris  then  had  been  in  a  state  of  mutiny.  At  midnight  of 
27th  January  firing  ceased.  Next  day  the  armistice  was  agreed  to,  to 
last  three  weeks,  which  handed  Paris  over  to  the  Germans  after  a 
siege  of  four  weeks.  From  said  armistice,  however,  the  Eastern  bat 
tlefield  was  excluded. 

A  constitutional  assembly  was  formed  at  Bordeaux,  which  should  at 
once  decide  upon  the  future  form  of  Government,  in  order  to  be  ena 
bled  to  make  peace. 

The  18th  January,  1871,  had  its  especial  significance.  The  King  of 
Prussia  had  been,  on  the  16th  December,  1870,  unanimously  declared 
Emperor  of  Germany  by  the  German  Reichstag,  after  a  proposal  by 
the  King  of  Bavaria,  on  the  9th  December,  1870,  to  all  the  German 
Princes  and  free  cities  of  Germany.  On  the  18th  January  the  victorious 
Emperor  celebrated  the  historical  event  in  Versailles,  only  seventy 
years  after  the  Kingdom  of  Prussia  had  at  all  been  founded. 

The  month  of  January  was  likewise  decisive  in  the  East.  There 
stood  Garibaldi  with  his  volunteers,  reinforced  by  the  new  army  of 
Lyons,  under  command  of  General  Bourbaki,  whom  Gambetta  wished 
to  throw  back  the  weaker  numerical  strength  of  Werder,  should  retake 
Belfort,  (Alsace)  and  march  into  Northern  Germany.  Good  !  the 
idea  was  by  no  means  bad,  for  danger  there  was ;  therefore  the  Ger 
mans  quickly  sent  aid  to  Werder,  by  the  2d  and  7th  army  corps, 
as  he  had  to  retire  before  overwhelming  forces  from  Dijon  upon 
Vesoul,  in  order  to  cover  Belfort.  But  even  before  all  these  auxiliary 
troops  were  upon  the  spot,  the  heroic  Werder  had  repulsed  Bourbaki, 
in  a  three  days'  fight  at  Montbeliard,  which  forced  him  to  retire  to 
Besaiiqon. 

The  second  plan  of  the  French  to  unite  with  Garibaldi  was  likewise 
frustrated.  The  brave  General  was  attacked  at  Dijon  by  the  Gist 
Regiment,  and  had  to  remain  there,  which  enabled  the  2d  army  corps 
to  arrive  unobserved,  and  place  itself  between  the  two  combatting 
armies,  and  in  a  manner  that,  with  Werder,  surrounded  the  entire 
French  army  under  Bourbaki.  There  was  then  no  other  alternative 
left  for  the  latter  but  to  either  surrender  or  retire  into  Switzerland. 
On  the  1st  February,  at  Sombacourt  and  Frasne,  Bourbaki  fought 
desperately  and  lastly,  but  he  was  thoroughly  defeated,  and  his  de 
moralized  army  had  to  disarm  before  the  Swiss  General  Herzog. 

The  celebrated,  and  very  bravely  defended  fortress  of  Belfort,  in 
Alsace,  capitulated,  on  the  16th  February,  with  free  egress  of  its  brave 
garrison. 

The  eight  months  are  gone— the  war  finished  !  What  horrors  !  and 
yet  how  small  the  hope  that  it  has  been  the  last.  May  the  Omnipotent 
console  those  loving  mothers,  sisters,  wives,  and  brides.  Man  cannot, 
nothing  on  earth  can  ;  not  a  deluge  of  tears  could.  May  he  send  to 


108 

us  all  a  genius,  who  shall  know  how  to  prevent  bloodshed  among 
civilized  nations  ! — since  everybody  reads  the  Bible,  and  nobody  fol 
lows  the  doctrine  of  peace. 

When  it  is  asserted  that  in  180  clays  156  fights,  and  17  nrore  or  less 
battles  occurred,  that  26  fortresses  more  or  less  strong  were  stormed, 
373,000  prisoners  made,  6,700  pieces  of  artillery  taken,  and  120 
standards  and  other  military  emblems  were  conquered  ;  that  these 
astounding  victories  gave  back  to  Germany  what  is  hers,  Alsace  and 
the  German  part  of  Lorraine,  together  with  Metz,  and  reimbursed  the 
nation  for  the  costs  of  the  war  with  about  1,300,000,000  thalers,  equiv 
alent  to  five  millards  of  francs,  and  enlarged  Germany  to  9,900  square 
German  miles  (a  German  mile  is  about  equal  to  4J  English  miles), 
with  a  population  of  40,000,000  upon  it,  and  divided  into  twenty-five 
States,  then  it  may  be  rightly  supposed  that  the  peace  made  at  Frank- 
fort-on-the-Maiii  is  based  upon  the  physical  impossibility  of  France 
of  ever  again  attempting  to  disturb  it. 

Setting  aside  the  moral  improbability  of  the  republic  of  France, 
so  far  forgetting  her  advance  in  civilization  as  to  again  fall  back  into 
the  fetters  of  monarchical  rule,  it  is  a  national  and  sacred  duty  in 
cumbent  upon  Germany,  to  propose  without  delay  to  Austria  and 
Russia  the  cession  of  the  German  provinces  upon  the  most  liberal 
terms,  at  the  same  time  peremptorily  insisting  upon  compliance  with 
such  a  natural  and  patriotic  demand.  It  is  supposed  that  nearly 
twenty  millions  of  population  of  German  origin  are  living  under  for 
eign  monarchical  rule.  There  can  be  no  peace  until  these  have  re 
turned  to  their  national  allegiance;  besides,  an  alliance  might  be 
arranged  at  any  future  time  between  recuperated  France  (should  it  not 
remain  republican)  Russia  and  Austria,  as  it  is  so  easy  to  tear  to  pieces 
what  blood  upon  battlefields  has  cemented,  and  monarchs  dispute 
anew.  As  monarchy  signifies  war,  and  the  republic  peace,  and  the 
one  is  based  upon  physical  and  the  other  upon  moral  strength,  so 
does  it  appear  as  extremely  unlikely  that  peace  can  be  applied  to 
Europe  as  long  as  Germany  is  not  among  monarchical  nations  the 
highest  power  of  physical  strength.  Bound  as  she  is  then  to  meta 
morphose  herself  into  a  correctly  acting  republic,  she  is,  at  least,  up 
to  that  time  a  bulwark  of  force  and  a  tower  of  strength  against  Aus 
tria,  Russia  and  France,  should  the  latter  prove  a  sham  and  undue 
the  republic.  As  this  last  hypothesis  is  now  unlikely,  as  France  takes 
a  high  rank  as  a  republic,  having  succeeded  in  quieting  the  rebellion, 
Germany  will  easily  manage  with  Austria,  Russia,  etc.,  either  peacea 
bly  or  by  war. 

But  their  Germans  must  belong  to  the  general  nation  at  all  hazards, 
and  upon  any  condition.  It  is  the  great  desideratum  of  the  age,  the 
centralization  of  the  nationalities.  It  is  done  in  the  interest  of  civil- 


109 

izecl  mankind;  it  will  accelerate  age  by  age  the  promulgation  of  the 
commands  of  God,  who  created  neither  nations  nor  countries,  but 
the  independent  being  upon  the  one  land,  of  the  earth.  France,  at 
present  impotent,  and  as  a  republic,  unwilling — Great  Britain  the 
natural  ally  of  Germany  in  case  of  war  with  Russia,  Austria  and  the 
remainder  of  European  nations — Avar  will  not  be  resorted  to  on  that 
account,  and  the  Germans  be  released  against  any  amount  of  money 
and  non- Germanic  territory. 

As  to  Poland,  she  has  a  more  natural  future  among  the  broad  Scla 
vonic  race  which  it  is  the  destiny  of  Austria  to  henceforth  gather; 
and  as  to  Russia,  she  has  a  similar  one  from  among  the  more  dis 
persed  and  heterogeneous  nationalities  of  the  entire  northern  Asia.* 

The  world  wishes  France  well;  it  is  fully  aware  of  her  misfortune;  it 
has  ascertained  abroad  what  her  grief  is  at  home.  The  Nouvelliste 
in  Rouen,  repeating  the  words  of  the  novelist,  Alexander  Dumas, 
who  acquainted  the  world  with  the  grief  of  France  in  the  following 
touching  passage,  says:  "For  the  moment  it's  clear,  that  the  invasion 
has  conquered  and  muddled  us,  that  the  rebels  have  cleaned  us  out 
and  dishonored  us,  that  the  country  has  lost  two  of  its  most  beautiful 
provinces,  that  the  most  elegant  third  of  Paris  is  in  ruins,  that  the 
capital  of  the  civilized  world  has  proved  again  in  1871  what  it  did  in 
1793,  viz.,  that  it  stands  always  at  the  disposal  of  horror,  and  that 
our  people  possess  the  same  qualifications  as  Kings  do,  viz.,  to  learn 
nothing  from  misfortune.  Public  disasters,  private  misery,  irrepar 
able  losses  of  life,  of  inspiration,  of  love,  of  hope,  of  luck,  of  labor, 
of  faith,  an  enormous  foreign  debt,  a  senseless  one  at  home,  humilia 
tion,  disheartedness,  doubt,  apprehension,  gloom,  high  and  low,  and 
everywhere  gloom,  dispersion  of  families,  dissolution  of  parties,  a  rout 
of  principles,  and  especially  a  double  current  ;  of  an  instinctively 


*  The  world  has  a  right  to  exchange  opinions  in  regard  to  the  future  of  nations, 
which  have  undergone  a  radical  change  either  in  prosperity  or  adversity.  It  is  es 
pecially  inclined  to  wish  well  to  the  unfortunate  as  in  accordance  with  the  tower 
ing  principles  of  civilization.  It  is  one  of  its  most  ennobling  traits  to  be  charitable. 
As  in  individuals,  so  in  nations,  to  sympathize  with  the  afflicted  and  to  be  always 
ready  to  stretchout  the 'helping  hand  to  the  needy  without  waiting  to  be  called 
upon  so  to  do,  shows  the  true  disciple  of  Christ,  applies  practically  the  finger  sign 
of  heaven,  so  feelingly  illustrated  by  the  act  of  the  Samaritan,  as  the  sweetest  nutri 
ment  to  the  living  soul  upon  earth.  The  greater  the  delicacy  with  which  these 
heavenly  inspirations  lead  to  the  act  of  charity,  the  more  the  donor  prevents  the 
blood  mantling  upon  tho  cheeks  of  the  holpless  recipient— the  more  delightful  is  the 
moment  of  ineffable  bliss  of  having  done  one's  duty  in  a  grandly  religious  manner, 
and  the  more  visibly  does  Providence  reward  him  upon  the  spot.  As  it  is  at  the 
same  Unite  the  equally  distributed  chance  to  all  of  heavenly  wealth,  it  proves  that 
the  principle  of  benevolence  is  the  developing  element  of  gentility  and  general  civ 
ilization,  planted  by  education,  and  germinated  by  religion. 


110 

double  need  of  reprisals  and  rest ;  of  retaliation  and  resignation,  of 
hatred  and  love  ;  that  is,  in  a  few  words,  our  situation  at  this  hour." 
And,  possibly,  it  is  ;  but  France  is  not  lost  no  more  than  a  gentleman 
is.  A  mind  full  of  faith,  repentance,  energy,  and  health,  lives  ;  it 
views  crucification  as  purification  ;  it  draws  strength  from  defeat,  and 
fortitude  from  sorrow  ;  it  is  the  sunlit-smiling  earth  after  the  raven 
blackness  of  a  tempestuous  night ;  it  is,  above  all,  a  momentarily 
clearer  conception  of  the  hope  of  an  eternally  blissful  hereafter,  as 
powerfully  convinced  of  by  the  inimitable  existence  of  life,  of  the  mo 
ment  in  so  grand  and  obviously  perishable  a  world  in  common  with 
us,  awaiting  the  further  will  of  Heaven,  to  continue  altogether,  and 
thus  realize  the  purpose  of  creation. 

France  is  a  republic,  and  Dumas  is  too  severe  when  he  says  she  has 
learned  nothing  from  misfortune;  she  has  learned  a  great  deal:  she 
has  learned  to  conquer  the  rebels,  what  she  didn't  know  when  she 
allowed  Napoleon  III  to  forsake  the  republic  scarcely  twenty  years 
ago,  which  proves  that  there  are  to-day  far  more  enlightened  men  in 
France  than  ignorant  ones.  In  whatever  country  that  is  the  case, 
freedom  is  permanently  at  hand.  Educate!  educate!  continue  to  edu 
cate  every  child  living,  and  pay  for  it  by  law,  and  you  will  strengthen 
the  republic  and  uproot  vice  upon  this  earth,  circumgo  the  intoxicated 
profligate  gambling  parent  (the  cause  in  all  countries  of  the  growth  of 
vice  in  children),  crime  and  wars  !  Education  and  peace  live  upon 
reason  and  love;  their  strength  cements  the  union  and  the  universe, 
and  social  life  becomes  not  only  bearable,  in  a  rigorous  conventional 
point  of  view,  but  shows  its  divine  nature  ;  as  men  approach  each 
other  naturally,  the  All-wise  wills  it  that  there  should  be  no  distinc 
tion  except  the  sweet  rivalry  of  how  to  add  to  the  usefulness  and  hap 
piness  of  one  another,  until  the  moment  of  life,  which  is  in  God's 
hand,  is  by  Him  recalled.  France  has  leveled  these  distinctions,  by 
force  upon  Napoleon,  disowning  his  vows  to  the  republic,  and  be  per 
mitted  so  to  do,  instead  of  like  Washington  standing  by  the  side  of 
the  people  and  be  forever  beloved.  Great  Britain,  Germany  and 
Italy  will  level  them  peaceably.  France — the  Gallic  race — is  impetu 
ous;  the  Teutons  are  not;  they  await  all  the  effects  of  universal  edu 
cation  upon  the  worth  of  man  to  appreciate  freedom  quietly  and 
resignedly.  Their  govermeiital  heads  at  least  mean  well  or  else  the 
world  had  to  despair  of  their  sincerity  ;  they  change  the  diet  of  the 
patient  in  proportion  to  his  convalescence.  They  await  the  arising  of 
the  million  in  the  terrestrial  garden  of  free  air  and  liberty  with  joy 
and  hope,  as  every  physician  does  who  is  not  a  charlatan,  and  can 
premise  the  time  of  convalescence  as  far  as  study  goes,  and  the  Al 
mighty's  heavenly  will  in  the  case  commences. 


Ill 

Although  France  is  a  republic,  and  as  such  synonymous  of  peace, 
and  has  proved  her  inner  strength  by  the  subjugation  of  her  improp 
erly  educated  brethren,  yet  she  may  as  well  remember  for  a  while 
longer  the  significant  words  of  Picard  in  his  proclamation  of  the  27th 
of  February,  announcing  the  entry  of  the  German  troops  into  Paris. 
The  confused  monarchical  spirit  among  some  incorrigible  minds,  is 
still  a  heavy  incubus  upon  an  easy-going  young  republic,  setting  aside 
the  customary  dynastically  selfish  attempts  of  the  three  dynasties 
plotting  an  entry,  to  either  one  of  which  it  would  be  idle  to  suppose 
for  a  moment  that  the  French  nation  would  forget  itself  so  far  as  to 
listen.  Picard  said,  "  We  conclude  peace  with  the  expectation  of 
"  future  retaliation,"  at  least  many  so  said  with  more  or  less  distinc- 
tiveness,  and  many  French  who  do  not  say  it  think  so  beyond 
doubt.  It  would  be  difficult  to  teach  those  who  pushed  the  war,  liv 
ing  upon  glor}^  and  brooding  over  the  chances  of  enlarging  the  terri 
tory  of  the  country,  to  henceforth  think  otherwise.  This  great 
knowledge  of  the  character  of  many,  guided  Bismarck  in  asking 
proper  security  for  peace  in  the  shape  of  territory  belonging  to  the 
republicans.  To  continue  the  war  to  the  knife  was  as  unwise  of  the 
republic  as  it  was  impolitic  and  useless.  Has  ever  a  sensible  man 
doubted  the  bravery  of  a  Frenchman  ?  Of  what  use  was,  then,  an 
idle  attempt  to  struggle  with  the  giant  of  fate  ?  All  it  did  it  showed 
lack  of  wisdom.  To  cope  with  impossibilities,  is  to  compare  man,  frail 
as  he  is,  struggling  in  the  grasp  of  a  pachyderm.  If  the  French  made 
peace  upon  this  comparison,  and  not  for  wisdom's  sake,  then  they  are 
really  to  be  pitied,  for  there  are  three  realities,  which  are  as  clear  as 
daylight,  that  they  cannot  regain — what  they  have  once  lost — as  Ger 
many  is  too  intelligent  to  idle  and  vegetate  upon  war  laurels.  It  is 
ahead  of  France  now,  and  will  labor  to  so  continue. 


PART  THE  TENTH 


THE  CONSEQUENCES  OF  THE  WAR  UPON  FUTURE  CIVIL 
IZATION. 


Above  all  this  war  has  demonstrated  to  France  the  complete  mili 
tary  superiority  of  Germany.  France  possesses  really  better  small 
arms ;  but  the  great  physical  strength  of  the  soldier,  the  more  thorough 
organization  of  the  army,  and  the  better  discipline  and  the  superiority  in 
moral  qualities,  has  everywhere  been  acknowledged  has  given  victory  to 
the  Germans.  Those  are,  indeed,  superiorities  which  cannot  be  easily 
acquired,  even  in  a  long  time,  especially  if  the  national  character  and 
public  affairs  are  not  exactly  favorable  to  the  performance  of  exploded 
war  measures;  viz.,  upon  universal  military  service  France  is  not 
likely  to  decide,  on  account  of  its  principles  of  republicanism. 

France  has  no  inclination  for  this  earnest  exercise  of  military  duty. 
A  preponderance  of  physical  strength  is,  therefore,  put  out  of  reach. 
The  French  people  diminish  slightly  in  physical  strength,  as  this  war 
has  evidently  shown.  Increase  of  population  advances  much  slower 
in  France,  in  percentage,  than  it  does  in  Germany.  The  ex 
haustion  in  France  of  disposable  men  took  place  quicker  during 
this  war  than  it  could  be  possible  among  the  Germans,  setting  aside 
that  the  French  enlisted  old  men  and  small  youth  promiscuously. 
Besides,  in  a  few  years  from  now,  after  the  Prussian  system  of  the 
organization  of  the  army  shall  have  been  adopted  by  all  Germany, 
both  North  and  South,  Germany  shall  have  far  more  numerous  armies 
than  at  present.  The  times  are  not  yet  such  as  to  disband  soldiers 
and  make  working  men  out  of  them.  The  Rhine  is  not  quite  so  broad 
as  the  Atlantic  !  This  alone  will  make  the  French  think  twice  before 
they  overthrow  the  republic  and  commence  a  dynastical  war. 

The  second  reality  is  the  changed  boundary  and  the  new  constitu 
tion  of  Germany.  The  boundaries  of  Germany  hithertof ore,  as  good 
as  if  they  stood  widely  open,  together  with  the  political  separation  of 
the  South  from  the  North,  were  a  great  seduction  JOY  France  under 
either  of  the  three  dynasties  to  wage  war  with  her  German  neighbors. 
To-day  Germany  has  finely  locked  boundaries,  and  stands  united  to  a 
man  against  the  combined  continent  of  Europe. 


113 

What  must  be  her  security  of  peace  to  Europe  when  the  foreign 
non-republican  Germans  are  added  to  the  Union  !  Then  she  may  force 
Europe  to  disarm,  and  be  the  first  to  do  it. 

The  third  reality  is  the  financial  impossibility.  In  the  French 
Budget  for  1870,  the  interest  of  the  national  debt  absorbed  already 
twenty-four  per  cent,  of  the  entire  income  ;  army  and  navy,  twenty- 
eight  per  cent.  At  present,  the  costs  of  the  war,  so  it  was  stated  at 
Bordeaux,  footed  up  three  and  a  half  millards  of  francs,  besides  the 
five  millards  which  she  has  to  pay  to  Germany.  At  five  per  cent,  this 
enormous  debt  of  eight  and  a  half  millards  of  francs  adds  to  itself 
annually  425,000,000  of  francs.  The  ease  with  which  she  lately  paid 
the  first  installment  of  the  debt  to  Germany,  although  it  proves  propor 
tionately  large  wealth,  and  but  little  impaired  credit,  yet  is  the  dam 
age  done  by  the  rebels  fearfully  great,  nor  was  the  destruction  of 
property,  both  private  and  public,  by  any  means  small,  which  the 
French  in  their  eagerness  to  defend  Paris,  rashly  considered  neces 
sary  to  destroy,  in  order  to  keep  off  the  enemy.  Likewise  the  lost 
material  of  war,  during  the  campaign,  upon  both  battle-fields,  as  well 
as  in  the  fortresses,  has  been  of  note.  As  all  this  will  be  felt  for 
many  years  to  come,  France  cannot  retaliate  even  if  she  was  not  repub 
lican  ;  she  has,  therefore,  to  reduce  the  expenses  of  the  army  and 
navy,  which,  in  1870,  comprised  about  590,000,000  francs,  and  has  to 
change  her  tariff  and  income  taxes.  France  managed,  during  the 
reign  of  Napoleon  III,  to  pay  four  milliards  of  francs — war  expenses  ; 
and  when  in  the  summer  of  1868  she  made  a  loan  for  army  expenses, 
etc.,  and  everybody  anticipated  a  war  with  Prussia,  which  then  only 
was  prevented  by  the  revolution  which  had  broken  out  in  Spain,  said 
loan  was  signed  thirty-four  times.  At  the  high  rate  of  69J  francs  for 
three-francs  bond,  equivalent  to  115  5-6  for  five  per  cent.,  fully  fifteen 
milliards  were  put  at  her  disposal.  It  was,  indeed,  a  speaking  witness 
of  the  accumulated  wealth  of  France.  It  is  an  historical  fact.  To 
this  same  extent  it  is  deplorable  that  these  milliards  of  France  are 
nearly  gone  already.  The  Pays  so  stated  it  in  the  fall  of  the  year 
(1870)  as  having  been  expended  upon  the  war  up  to  that  time  and 
until  its  end.  It  cited  the  figures  : 

1  milliard  for  armaments  from  1868  to  1870. 

1  i     do.      for  destroyed  and  rebuilding  of  fortifications. 

1J     do.      for  arms,  and  cannon,  and  other  war  materials,  which 
the  Germans  have  destroyed  and  taken  as  booty. 

2  do.      for  destruction  of  buildings,  fields,  and  other  immovable 

property,  by  both  the  French  and  their  enemy. 
1       do.      for  complete  and  partial  ruin  of  manufacturers,  farmers, 
and  speculators. 
13 


114 

2 J  milliards  for  payment  to  Germany  for  the  cost  of  the  war  (which 
has  since  then  been  doubled  by  Bismarck). 

2  do.  for  losses  consequent  upon  the  direct  effect  of  all  these 
misfortunes. 

These  figures  are  rather  summarily  taken,  yet  they  may  have  come 
within  the  knowledge  of  the  exchequer.  At  least  Pouyer-Quertiers 
stated  in  June,  1871,  after  this  war  was  ended,  and  the  damage  done 
could  be  somewhat  less  vaguely  estimated,  that  loans  had  to  be  made 
to  the  figure  of  eight  milliards.  Then  it  has  to  be  considered  that  at 
least  fourteen  counties  in  which  the  war  waged  could  not  produce  any 
grain,  and  the  remainder  seventy-five  had  110  hands  left  to  do  the 
work.  Most  of  the  manufacturers  were  equally  stagnated.  The 
harvest  of  1870  had  not  been  gathered  in  at  all  upon  a  large  section 
of  the  country,  and  in  other  parts  it  was  wilfully  destroyed  that  it 
might  not  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  Germans  ;  besides,  was  not  a  good 
one  in  consequence  of  insufficient  rains.  This  want  of  grain,  last 
year,  has  proved  since  then  to  have  been  severely  felt,  as  could  not  be 
otherwise  expected. 

Another  consideration  is,  that  the  rich  had  left  the  country,  at  least 
would  be  absent  for  a  long  while ;  in  short,  the  non-republican  conduct 
of  waging  war  has  added  losses  upon  losses  without  necessity.  As  to 
the  world,  generally  it  does  not  admire  at  all  heroism  of  bloodshed  in 
any  shape  any  longer.  The  days  of  Ciesarism  are  over,  and  the  poet 
writes  the  epitaph  : 

Caesar  Galliam  subegit,  Caesar  noster  maximus, 
Castra  fregit  et  Gallorum  hostium  exercitus, 
Fugans  milites  Suaves  Gallicosque  Zephyros. 

Imperator  Germanorum,  Caesar  noster  maxinius, 
Regnuin  fundat  exoptatuin,  rem  exoptatissirnam 
Nobis  adferens  a  flava  Sequana  in  patriam. 

En  Augustus  imperator,  Caesar  noster  maximus, 
Fines  auget  Germanorum,  quondam  elieu  !  perditos, 
Lotharingi  cum  Alsatis  redeunt  in  patrios. 

Ecce  venit  Triumphator,  Caesar  noster  maximus, 

Ecce  venit  in  triumpho  maximus  exercitus, 

Ecce  venit  Pax  triumphans,  fructus  noster  aureus. 

Unfortunately  the  proximity  to  each  other  of  so  many  largely  pop 
ulated  and  warlike  nations  in  Europe  having  made  it  indispensable 
for  self-preservation  to  study  the  science  of  life  destruction  minutely, 
it  has  fortunately  developed  itself  to  a  degree  that  it  is  not  likely  that 
war  shall  again  be  resorted  to  for  purposes  of  settling  political  diffi 
culties  by  it,  as  it  borders  upon  the  aboriginal  character  of  cruelty. 


115 


As  to  the  present  war  it  demonstrates  but  the  ancient  principle  of 
how  to  carry  it  on  victoriously.  The  initiation  or  strategical  inde 
pendence  is  the  main  point.  The  genius  of  the  commander-in-chief 
secures  it  to  the  army,  holding  it  in  readiness  to  commence  operations 
sooner  than  his  antagonist,  arid  if  at  all  possible,  with  a  numerically 
stronger  force.  The  Germans  acted  upon  this  principle,  and  the 
result  has  been  astonishingly  good  and  unprecedentedly  successful. 
The  French  were  always  taken  by  surprise.  All  the  German  gener 
als  listened  to  but  one  voice :  the  King's  of  Prussia  in  grand  com 
mand,  with  General  Moltke  as  his  immediate  executive. 

The  French  had  Napoleon,  and  Napoleon  had  Leboeuf.  Unfortu 
nately,  Napoleon  resigned  his  command  and  placed  it  in  the  hands 
of  two  commanding  generals  instead  of  one,  which  proved  ruinous. 

The  Germans  quickly  cutting  Bazaine  off  Verdun  and  Thion- 
ville  prevented  his  junction  with  McMahon,  forcing  the  latter  to  capit 
ulate.  When  Bazaine  decided  to  retreat  upon  Verdun,  he  wasted 
forty-eight  hours,  as  he  had  to  return  the  same  way,  which  enabled 
the  Prussians  to  blockade  his  way.  Equally  slow  McMahon  ap 
proached  Stenay,  moving  to  and  fro  without  covering  his  inarch  at  all. 
It  is  well  known  that  the  Germans  at  Saarbruecken  as  well  as  at 
Mars  la  Tour,  were  much  weaker  in  point  of  numbers  than  the  French, 
not  having  at  all  concentrated  their  strength;  yet  they  conquered 
through  mutual  and  timely  assistance  among  each  other  during  the 
fight— although  Napoleon  I  used  to  say  that  two-thirds  of  success 
is  the  consequence  of  calculation,  and  but  one-third  luck;  it  appears 
that  the  Germans  calculated  all  three-thirds  the  whole  war  through, 
not  having  lost  a  single  battle.  Fifty  thousand  cavalry  covering  at  all 
times  the  armies,  while  preparing  for  battle  as  well  as  while  march 
ing,  it  cannot  be  said  otherwise  but  that  they  carried  out  this  plan 
methodically,  which  realized  their  victories.  Wars  carried  on  with 
the  assistance  of  railroads,  telegraphs  and  needle-guns,  are  almost 
new;  at  least  the  old  Bulow  system  is  exploded.  Troops  are  trans 
ported  three  times  quicker  than  before,  and  heavy  war  materials  fif 
teen  times.  The  French  already  in  their  Italian  war  in  1859,  availed 
themselves  of  railroads.  It  appears  that  the  destructive  needle-gun 
and  chassepots  procrastinate  the  commencement  of  the  fight.  Bayo 
nets  and  cavalry  have  changed  their  importance  but  little,  except  that 
the  attack  commences  from  far  greater  distances  than  before.  The 
artillery  aims  5,000  paces  and  ceases  with  1,500,  while  formerly  it 
commenced  firing  at  1,500  paces.  And  as  to  the  mitrailleuse  of  the 
French,  it  has  proved  of  little  service.  The  dreaded  French  mitrail 
leuse  requires  as  great  a  circumference  as  its  organization  is  expen 
sive  and  preparation  costly,  without  even  coming  up  to  anything  like 
t  he  effect  which  the  canon  has  in  all  collective  points  of  consideration. 


116 

It  likewise  offers  to  the  enemy's  fire  an  equally  large  aim  as  the  canon 
does.  In  firing  at  large  distances  it  proves  to  be  of  little  or  no  ac 
count,  because  its  absolute  capacity  to  hit  is  too  deficient,  the  room 
it  can  command  too  small,  and  an  observation  almost  impossible. 
Upon  small  distances  the  densely  collected  sharp-shooters  of  the 
enemy  are  as  dangerous  to  it  as  to  artillery  in  general.  Towards 
troops  behind  covering,  it  cannot  be  used  at  all,  because  its  shots  have 
not  the  power  to  pierce  nor  to  scatter.  To  initiate  the  offensive  it 
cannot  be  used,  and  for  defense,  it  can  aid  the  infantry  then  only 
when  the  necessary  room  for  the  front  is  wanted  in  order  to  direct  the 
sufficient  number  of  rifles  from  a  suitable  position — for  instance,  in 
the  defense  of  narrow  mountain  passes,  etc.  It  is,  therefore,  very 
rare  indeed  that  it  can  aid  the  infantry  advantageously.  These 
are  the  reasons  which  convince  that  canister  shot  will  not  be  largely 
resorted  to  in  future  wars,  as  long  as  this  sanguinary  way  of  settling 
difficulties  is  at  all  tolerated  by  civilization. 

Strange  to  say  the  terrific  battles  of  the  war  of  1870,  were,  after  all, 
less  sanguinary  than  those  of  Borodino  and  Waterloo.  The  German 
loss  at  Gravelotte  is  estimated  but  at  six  per  cent.,  and  that  of  the 
French  at  eleven  per  cent. ,  as  the  consequence  of  firing  at  very  large 
distances.  The  so-called  lack  in  war  is  now,  fortunately,  put  into  so 
small  a  compass,  through  knowledge,  which  includes  the  knowledge 
of  the  inhumanity  and  crime  of  war,  that  peace,  which  is  the  well 
applied  knowledge  of  civilization,  will  soon  conquer  war  to  the  only 
and  true  glory  of  sound  sense  as  the  element  of  knowledge.  Thus, 
Germany,  at  least,  being  both  physically  and  intellectually  the  domi 
neering  power  OD  the  continent  of  Europe,  will  force  war  back  among 
nations  that  henceforth  shall  prove  their  semi-civilization  by  a  reck 
less  provocation  to  it.  On  the  other  hand,  she  will  endeavor  and 
succeed  in  a  diplomatic  way,  conjointly  with  Great  Britain  and 
America,  to  pacify  beforehand  the  temper  of  nations  having  differ 
ences  to  adjust,  so  that  the  tender  growth  of  the  proletariat  of  man 
kind  into  the  social  circle  of  gentility,  as  the  grand  object  of  civilization, 
may  not  be  disturbed  by  wars  any  more.  It  cannot  be  heralded  often 
enough  throughout  the  world  that  wars  are  the  consequence  of  a  void 
in  civilization  on  the  part  of  the  great  masses  of  the  population  form 
ing  a  nation,  from  which  deplorable  fact  had  sprung  in  ancient  times 
the  dire  necessity  of  monarchial  governments,  which,  in  adjustment  of 
the  degree  and  nature  of  barbarity  thus  lawlessly  practiced,  and  in 
consideration  of  the  number  of  millions  thus  found  barbarous,  ruled 
autocratically.  In  proportion  to  the  waning  of  barbarity  in  the  mil- 
lions  of  a  nation  the  rigor  is  relaxed,  and  a  constitutional  government 
adopted,  until  the  nation  at  large  has  altogether  emancipated  itself  from 


117 

every  remnant  of  feudalism,  and  is  able  to  govern  itself,  adopting  the 
republican  form  of  government. 

Man  then  lives  peaceably  through  the  power  of  culture,  and  appre 
ciates  reveringly  the  sovereign  power  endowed  with  by  the  Creator  for 
His  inscrutable  purpose  of  the  human  race  at  all  existing  upon  earth  ; 
therefore,  while  so  living  to  be  personally  independent,  to  live  hap 
pily,  and  to  act  humanely.  The  republican  government  thus  appears, 
and  really  is  the  clerkship  of  a  nation,  as  composed  of  such  an  enlight 
ened  fraternity,  of  whom  every  one  is  supposed  to  avail  himself  of  the 
full  republican  trust  of  personal  independence  to  render  himself 
through  life  better  in  virtues  than  he  is,  and  the  nation  at  large  to 
progress  the  civilization  of  the  age  by  socially  developing  their  moral 
acts,  and  unitedly  apply  them. 

On  the  other  hand,  how  quickly  a  nation  can  recover  from  the  shocks 
of  a  devastating  war  lasting  four  years,  to-day  the  condition  of  the 
United  States  proves  best.  The  victorious  Union  had  to  make  loans 
to  the  amount  of  over  $3,000,000.  The  quick  recovery  was  made  pos 
sible  by  immediately  after  the  war  reducing  the  expenses  of  the  army 
and  navy  to  the  utmost  extent.  France,  of  course,  is  not  as  rich  in 
resources,  and  capability  of  standing  heavy  losses,  as  the  United  States 
are.  Although  famous  for  its  manufactures,  yet  the  French  people, 
like  the  remainder  of  European  continental  people,  are  rather  ne 
cessitated  to  value  money,  the  whole  of  Europe  footing  up  as  much 
land  as  is  about  arable  in  the  United  States  of  America. 

When  four  years  afterwards  one  of  the  most  distinguished  men  of 
progress  of  this  or  any  other  age,  Ex-Governor  of  California,  Leland 
Stanford,  planned  the  greatest  technical  enterprise  of  the  day,  a 
through  railroad  from  the  Atlantic  to  the  Pacific,  it  became  evident 
that  the  thinking,  laboring  people  of  the  United  States  had  forgotten 
all  about  the  war.  And  if  not  so  fast  as  the  people  of  the  United 
States,  still  the  French  will  recover.  Her  national  property  will 
steadily  reproduce  itself  in  its  principal  sections.  The  French,  with 
a  vivaciousness  of  spirit  rarely  found,  inhabiting  a  fertile  country, 
although  but  as  large  as  one  single  State  among  some  odd  thirty  of 
the  United  States,  the  State  of  California,  still  its  situation,  the 
national  character  of  the  people,  will  soon  forget  the  debt  of  five  mil- 
lards  of  francs,  provided  they  follow  the  example  of  the  United  States, 
and  disarm,  as  demanded  by  the  principle  of  the  republic,  and  then 
impose  a  very  heavy  import  duty  upon  every  superfluous  article  of 
luxury  which  the  rich  can  stand  and  the  poor  don't  care  for. 

The  French  national  character  has  excellent  qualifications.  The 
French  are  sober,  industrious,  parsimonious,  and  singly  very  peace 
able  throughout  the  country — the  clubs  of  Paris  excepted.  What  is, 
therefore,  understood  by  the  word,  "  the  people/'  these  have  found 


118 

out  by  this  time,  through  the  pressure  of  debt,  what  is  meant  by 
bearing  the  incubus  of  royalty. 

The  idea  of  being  dazzled  by  royal  splendor  in  this  age  would 
show  an  Indian  taste,  as  everybody  knows  that  it  is  despotically  main 
tained  at  the  expense  of  the  people,  to  the  detriment  of  their  ability 
to  directly  provide  for  themselves  more  comforts  of  their  own  choice, 
and  deprives  the  nation  from  superintending  the  expenditure  of  such 
regal  money  for  the  benefit  of  all,  in  the  manifold  manner  in  which  it 
is  done  in  America. 

But  the  pressure  of  debt  will  operate  upon  France ;  her  economists 
shall  attentively  read  J.  Stuart  Mill,  the  English  national  economist, 
or  send  over  to  Washington  for  information.  Franee  shall  soon  be  out 
of  debt.  She  shall  be  vigilant  as  to  the  Bourbons,  Orleans,  Napole 
ons,  these  so-called  hereditary  adherents  to  royalty.  That  there 
is  a  minority  of  benighted  people  left  at  all  times,  and  in  all  civilized 
countries,  who  adhere  to  legends  of  such  a  past,  is  deplorably  unal 
terable.  These  are  like  corn-flowers  in  a  wheat  field  which  has  been 
ploughed  and  resown  a  dozen  times  ;  they  are  both  of  no  account, 
simply  beautiful  to  look  at ;  the  economist  and  farmer  are  accustomed 
to  them.  The  Orleanists,  it  is  vividly  remembered,  openly  said  : 
"France  is  rich  enough  to  pay  for  her  glory."  What  glory?  The 
glory  of  ambition  and  of  conquest — the  crime  of  murderous  wars.  A 
nice  glory  in  the  face  of  reason  and  America  !  !  of  civilization  and  of 
practically  applied  common  sense  ! — an  inadmissible  theory — an  ex 
ploded  practice  !  France  is  now  fully  convinced  that  wars  are  non- 
republican,  wicked,  and  belong  to  mediaeval  times  and  ungovernable 
people.  This  war  did  it.  Sebastopol,  Syria,  China,  and  Mexico  were 
not  enough,  nor  the  splendor  of  the  metropolis  could  hide  the  cripples 
in  the  glare  of  the  sun  of  day,  nor  the  neglect  of  the  thousands  of  the 
needy.  But  now  the  French  Republic,  having  proved  by  the  over 
throw  of  the  rebellion  that  by  far  the  greatest  number  of  the  popula 
tion  of  the  country  are  aware  of  the  danger  that  is  consequent  upon 
rebellion,  and  more  so  from  aristocrats  who  created  rebellion,  by  not 
educating  the  poor,  they  will,  in  the  face  of  the  five  millards  of  francs 
which  their  last  doings  levied  upon  them  all,  take  good  care  that  it 
does  not  reoccur.  They  shall  not  listen  to  chauvinists  who  harangue 
a  republican,  country  with  retaliation.  The  nation  will  know  how 
to  put  into  the  legislative  body  men  universally  respected  and  care 
fully  voted  for,  who  are  enlightened,  and  consequently  peaceably 
inclined,  and  industrious,  producing  citizens  withal,  and  who,  as  such, 
put  out  of  the  way  the  old  seductive  budget  of  the  army  and  navy, 
reducing  it,  like  in  America,  to  a  reasonable  and  legitimate  standard. 
Taking  America  as  an  example,  where  a. President  of  the  United  States 
receives  $25,000  per  annum,  because  he  would  feel  hurt  if  the  country, 


119 

the  people,  should  be  forced,  on  account  of  his  position,  to  support 
him  as  if  he  was  a  cripple,  and  not  a  worthy  man,  the  worthiest  of 
them  all,  in  their  own  judgment,  who  labors  and  is  happy  to  do  his 
duty  to  the  country  at  all  times,  which,  like  the  religion  of  man,  is 
rewarded  from  within  and  not  without.  The  French  should  now  make 
a  law  which  prohibits  the  exchequer  to  be  drawn  upon  for  wTar  pur 
poses,  it  being  then  to  rescue  native-born  citizens  from  incarceration 
while  traveling,  like  the  English  nobly  did  it  in  Abyssinia,  the 
Americans  lately  in  Corea,  China,  and  in  this  war  the  Germans  mem 
orably  repulsed  the  French.  Such  wars  are  in  their  nature  necessary 
in  this  age — lawful  constabulary  proceedings.  They  rest  on  a  differ 
ent  principle  altogether  ;  it  is  simply  self-defense,  like  the  Union  of 
America  defended  itself  against  rebellion,  any  nation  against  invasion, 
man  against  a  murderer,  or  the  exercise  of  force  is  used  in  the  main 
tenance  of  law.  How  often  do  we  hear  people  in  Europe  exclaiming  : 
:(  Life  is  not  safe  in  a  republic  !"  the  idea  as  if  they  could  not  reason 
ably  comprehend  that  life  is  everywhere  safe  if  man  takes  care  of  him 
self  first.  It  is  little  credit  to  a  man,  and  looks  very  suspicious  in  a 
nation,  to  ask  a  gens  d'arms  to  do  it  for  him.  A  gentleman  includes 
the  guarantee  to  himself,  through  his  gentlemanly  behavior,  that  he 
has  no  enemies,  and  that  consequently  his  life  is  safe. 

Besides  there  are  far  more  robbers,  etcetra,  bad  people  in  a  monar 
chical  country  than  in  a  republic,  on  account  of  abject  poverty:  the 
consequence  of  a  lack  of  social  freedom  to  enable  man  to  better  his 
condition  himself,  and  so  perfect  himself  in  the  legitimate  exercise  of 
his  individual  sovereignty,  which  is  his  right. 

One  of  the  weightiest  reasons  of  all,  which  can  predict  to  the  repub 
lic  of  France  a  speedy  recovery  from  the  calamities  of  war,  is  the  utter 
void  of  retaliation  on  the  part  of  the  Germans  during  this  war  guar 
anteeing  to  France  no  unnecessary  disturbance  in  future,  which  con 
cerns  her.  The  republic  knows  well  that  public  opinion  best  shields 
it  against  foreign  aggression,  but  if  ever  it  should  prove  weak, 
and  allow  an  attempt  at  overwhelming  and  overthrowing  the  republic 
to  be  successfully  made  a  third  time  culminating  in  royalty,  which 
signifies  war  against  Germany,  then  Germany  shall  demand  full  pay 
of  the  old  score  of  1806  and  1808,  and  in  proportion  to  the  following- 
figures :  If  4,500,000  Prussians  who  inhabited  a  piece  of  territory 
after  the  peace  of  Tilsit  as  concluded  by  Napoleon  I,  of  2,856  square 
German  miles  were  obliged  to  pay  to  the  French  nation;  thalers, 
245,000,000,  Prussian  currency,  how  much,  shall  35,500,000,  or  more 
of  French  people  have  to  pay,  in  land  and  money,  who  live  upon 
such  a  date  of  the  declaration  of  war  against  Germany,  upon  a  piece 
of  territory  exclusive  of  colonies  of  just  about  200,000  (English)  square 
miles  ?  A  fresco  painting  with  an  appropriate  inscription,  should  im- 


120 

mediately  adorn  the  tribunal  of  the  presidential  chair,  in  the  legisla- 
lative  hall  at  Paris,  that  the  solution  to  the  above  Pythagorean  prob 
lem  may  paralize  the  effort  of  any  member  there  who  shall  intend  to 
annul  the  republic  ! 

France  now  dutifully  takes  every  surplus  franc;  firstly,  to  educate 
the  million,  and,  further,  expends  it  upon  the  proletariat  in  comforta 
ble  abodes,  after  the  Peabody  plan,  and  lawfully  and  carefully  looks 
after  it.  France 'does  it  in  a  truly  charitable,  republican  manner,  and 
so  should  all  Europe. 

The  houses  for  the  inebriates  should  be  all  over  Europe  multiplied, 
and  the  river  Styx  dammed  off,  the  waters  of  which  are  intoxicating 
beverages,  which  infuriate.  The  latter  mammothian  enterprise  will 
set  millions  to  work,  for  the  river  Styx  overflows  the  whole  of  para 
dise  upon  earth,  fertilizing  in  it  the  domain  of  Satan  Sin.  As  among 
civilized  nations  the  Americans  are  the  most  industrious  people,  among 
mankind  the  Chinese,  and  of  all  creation  the  bees,  nature  so  proves 
by  its  love  of  labor  the  superiority:  .of  the  one  in  universal  individual 
comfort;  the  other,  one-third  of  all  mankind,  in  the  comparative  free 
dom  from  vice;  and  the  third,  by  the  accumulation  of  honey,  which  puts 
at  all  times  to  shame  the  labor  of  the  most  industrious  man.  Our 
dreadful  ignorance  of  the  Chinese  language,  debared  us,  hitherto- 
fore,  from  estimating  properly  those  400,000,000  of  living  people,  but 
the  time  is  at  hand,  since  steam  girdles  the  world,  when  civilized 
nations  may  learn  a  great  deal  of  them,  as  they  constantly  do  of 
nature.  Besides  the  English  and  the  Americans,  the  French  republic 
has  the  best  chance,  thanks  to  the  acquisition  of  those  six  provinces 
in  Anam  (Cochin-China),  which  are  theirs,  to  reimburse  the  nation 
for  the  outlay,  at  the  time  of  what  was  intended  not  to  reach  all,  like 
in  a  republic,  but  be  absorbed  by  the  Napoleonic  dynasty. 


PART  THE  ELEVENTH. 


PEACE.— THE  NEW  BOUNDARY  OF  GERMANY. 


After  the  capture  of  Naplecm  III  at  Sedan,  and  the  flight  of  the 
Regency  from  Paris,  Germany  found  herself  in  a  dilemma  of  the  most 
serious  kind.     She  saw  nobody  with  whom  to  conclude  peace.     With 
whom,   therefore,  was   an  idle   question,    because  it   could    not  be 
answered.     Germany  was  ready  to  make  peace,  asking  nothing  but 
security  for  the  impossibility  of  France  to  ever  again  rise  in  the  offen 
sive  against  Germany,  as  well  as  for  the  covering  of  the  costs  of  the 
war.     Napoleon,  in  spite  of  his  captivity,  was  yet  the  legitimate  head 
of  the  nation  ;  "the  latest  legitimate  expressions  of  the  wil]   of  the 
French  people,  the  plebiscitum  of  May,  1870,  had  not  been  canceled 
nor  revoked.     The  Legislative  Body  and  the  Senate,  though  by  force 
dispersed  on  the  4th  of  September,  could  not  be  considered  as  having 
been  sent  away  by  the  nation  ;    on  the  other  hand  the  Provisional 
Government  of  the  Republic  existed,  acknowledged,  at  least,  by  the 
majority  of  the^people.     De  facto  it  had  no  legal  basis  to  rest  upon, 
because  the  French  nation  at  large  had  not  been  consulted  in  regard 
to  sanctioning  it.     Germany  therefore  reserved  to  herself,  Napoleon, 
or  his  Regency,  to  make  peace  with  ;    or  again,  with  the  Legislative 
Body  of  France,  or  with  the  party  of  national  defense,  respectively: 
with  a  committee  so  authorized  by  France  to  conclude  peace.     Napol 
eon,  therefore,  was  treated  at  Wilhelmshohe  not  as  a  prisoner,  but  as 
a  fugative  Emperor,  at  the  same  time  that  Favre  was  admitted  to 
the   German    head- quarters   soliciting    to   negotiate    for   an    armis 
tice  and  convoke  a  provisional  government.     The  latter  attempt  was 
given  up  at  the  end  of  September,  a  second  time  at  the  end  of  Octo 
ber,  when  Thiers  had  returned  from  his  visit  to  the  various  neutral 
governments  of  Europe,  and  was  formally  introduced  by  them  to  the 
French  nation  as  the  proper  person  who,  and  with  whom,  peace  could 
be  negotiated.     He   came,  introduced   by  monarchs,  but  not  by  the 
republic  of  France.     However,  the  government  of  national  defence, 
organizing  new  armies  and  sending  them  to  Paris,  preferred  a  sort  of 
dictature  to  both  Theirs  and  peace.     They  intentionally  evaded  a 
14 


122 

national  representation  of  the  will  of  the  people.  At  last  negotiations 
were  cut  off  altogether,  which  was  surely  not  the  fault  of  the  Ger 
mans. 

This  dictature  must  have  believed  in  the  ultimate  success  of  the  bat 
tles,  and  so  the  war  was  resumed. 

Matters  remained  in  stafti  quo  until  the  armies  were  everywhere 
defeated,  and  Paris  could  not  be  saved. 

At  that  time,  about  the  end  of  January,  1871,  Germany  might  as 
well  have  taken  Paris  and  its  forts,  made  180,000  prisoners,  disarmed 
the  national  guards,  occupied  the  town  and  forts,  assumed  the  cus 
tody  over  the  exchequer  of  France,  and  introduced  the  police  into 
the  clubs.  All  that  was  possible  and  executable  after  monarchical 
maxims  generally,  but  the  original  question,  with  whom  to  make 
peace?  what  finishes  the  war?  remained  unanswered.  In  that  case, 
as  just  now  mentioned,  peace  could  not  be  concluded  with  the  pro 
visional  government.  The  government  a  prisoner — as  Napoleon  had 
been  made  one  at  Sedan — had  no  authority  to  negotiate  for  peace. 
In  Bordeaux  Gambetta  continued  war  ;  he  would  indeed  have  con 
tinued  it  until  all  France  would  have  had  to  be  occupied  by  the  Ger 
mans,  and  even  then  the  question  could  not  have  been  answered,  with 
whom  to  negotiate  peace.  Of  Napoleon,  the  Germans  could  not 
think  any  longer,  nor  of  his  Regency,  as  both  had  lost  every  influence 
in  France  ever  since  September,  1870.  The  Napoleons  were  indeed 
consigned  to  oblivion  by  the  French  nation. 

Germany,  instead  of  taking  and  occupying  Paris,  found,  never 
theless,  the  way  to  make  peace.  The  provisional  government  in 
Paris  had  not  to  be  disturbed,  that  was  the  idea.  It  could  not  pos 
sibly  be, accomplished.  It  had  to  be  so  managed  that  the  provisional 
government,  which  was  well  aware  of  the  necessity  on  its  part  to 
make  peace,  had  to  so  conduct  itself  that  the  war  party  should  res 
pect  it,  and  then  take  measures  for  an  election  all  over  France, 
which  should  lead  to  a  new  national  government.  That  by  it  peace 
would  be  arrived  at,  was  expected  as  natural.  The  armistice  of  the 
28th  of  January  was,  therefore,  an  important  step  towards  it.  It 
saved  Germany  the  trouble  of  transporting  180,000  prisoners  to  Ger 
many,  and  the  pacification  and.  support  of  the  excited  Parisians,  which 
their  own  government  enjoyed.  Another  advantage  was  that  the 
neutral  powers  could  be  convinced  of  the  moderation  of  Germany, 
and  its  earnest  desire  for  peace.  Already  Gambetta  ceased  his  war- 
cry;  early  in  February  the  elections  took  place,  and  proved,  as  was 
duly  predicted,  a  large  majority  in  favor  of  peace.  A  chief  of  the 
executive  was  appointed  by  the  national  assembly,  the  first  legitimate 
government  since  the  4th  of  September,  who,  imbued  with  the  neces 
sity  to  make  peace,  duly  negotiated  at  German  head-quarters  for  it, 


123 

and  signed  the  document  accepted  by  the  national  assembly  at  Bor 
deaux.  The  preliminaries  of  peace  were  solemnly  and  mutually  rati 
fied  at  head-quarters,  on  the  2nd  of  March,  and  the  answer  to  the 
query  found  and  given. 

From  these  preliminaries  to  the  "  definitive  peace,"  was  not  an  easy 
matter  to  proceed,  by  any  means,  and  not  expected  by  either  party 
on  the  26th  of  February,  when  the  preliminaries  were  settled,  that  it 
would  be  so  difficult  to  bring  peace  about.  In  France  existed  a  lawful 
assembly,  and  a  government  accordingly.  Nobody  could  foresee 
what  pretensions  might  be  made  on  the  18th  of  March,  to  question 
the  rights  of  the  national  assembly  and  its  executive  of  government 
to  make  peace.  The  case  was  strangely  exceptional:  indeed  without 
example  in  history.  And  still  there  arose  one.  It  was  the  Paris 
commune.  Still  stranger  the  revolution  spread  in  quarters  of  Paris 
within  range  of  the  north  and  east  forts,  occupied  by  the  Germans. 
The  danger  of  this  rebellion  was  the  possibility  that  the  conduct  of 
the  metropolis  might  be  imitated  in  other  large  cities  of  France;  then 
again,  the  great  weakness  and  helplessness  of  the  government  with 
which  Germany  had  concluded  peace  ;  likewise  the  consequences  of 
the  possibility  of  a  successful  rebellion,  or  one  so  partially  as  it,  would 
affect  the  exchequer  of  France  by  retarding  the  financial  and  eco 
nomical  growth  of  it,  of  interest  to  Germans  at  that  moment.  As  to 
Germany,  she  kept  perfectly  quiet  ;  the  Germans  had  nothing  to  do 
with  internal  French  quarrels.  Besides,  another  difficulty  arose, 
from  another  direction :  the  French  government,  though  anxious  to 
conclude  peace  as  quickly  as  possible,  and  to  be  on  good  terms  with 
Germany,  exerted  itself  to  postpone  the  conferences  at  Brussels  rather 
than  push  them.  Doubts  arose  after  all  whether  they  could  or  would 
be  in  favor  of  peace.  The  German  empire  had  110  representative  at 
Versailles  who  might  have  found  out  and  informed  the  country  of  the 
true  cause  of  this  vascillation.  The  situation  was  to  such  a  degree 
delicate  and  perplexing  that  the  Germans  were  about  to  take  Paris 
without  further  ado,  and  keep  it  as  a  pledge  until  the  French  should 
bend  to  the  necessity  of  making  peace.  Bismarck,  however,  adroitly 
managed  the  difficulty.  He  hit  upon  the  expedient  of  personally  con 
fronting  the  French  ministers,  and  succeeded  admirably.  He  soon 
found  out  that  the  difficulty  rested  on  a  misunderstanding.  Not  only 
did  he  find  the  French  ministers  at  Frankfort  quite  tractable,  determined 
to  make  peace,  and  as  quickly  as  possible,  and  by  no  means  bashful 
as  to  acknowledging  the  truth :  that  France  could  very  well  afford  to 
pay  so  just  a  sum  of  money.  Whether  it  was  a  change  of  climate 
which  invigorated  their  manliness,  or  the  absence  of  English  advice 
and  mediators,  or  the  Bismarckian  eloquence  which  created  the  lovely 
harmony  between  them,  it  is  hard  to  tell.  Enough  that  the  French 


124 

ministers  at  Frankfort  were  found  to  be  entirely  different  genii  than 
were  the  negotiators  at  Brussels.  They  even  decided  to  still  further 
secure  the  money  which  had  been  in  the  proclamation  agreed  upon  to 
be  paid.  The  first  half  milliard  should  be  paid  thirty  days  after  the 
capitulation  of  Paris,  the  second  payment  of  1000  millions  to  be  paid 
during  1871,  and  then  only  Germans  to  quit  the  forts  of  Paris.  By  the 
4th  of  May,  1872,  the  fourth  half  milliard  should  have  to  be  paid.  All 
payments  to  be  made  in  coin  or  notes  on  good  banks,  and  first-class 
bills  of  exchange.  As  to  the  remaining  milliards  to  be  produced,  the 
stipulated  time,  as  given  in  the  preliminaries,  should  be  adhered  to. 

The  occupation  of  the  forts  of  Paris  until  one  and  a  half  milliards 
should  have  been  paid  by  the  end  of  1870,  was  considered  absolutely 
indispensable  and  necessary  as  a  matter  of  precaution  against  fluctu 
ations,  to  which  the  internal  condition  of  France  at  that  time  remained 
exposed.  In  regard  to  the  treaty  of  commerce,  when  it  is  part  of  the 
financial  system,  and  forms  one  of  the  most  important  portions  of 
indirect  taxation,  Germany  took  the  firm  ground  that  it  should  not 
be  forced  upon  a  great  nation.  The  working  classes,  as  they  now  con 
template  the  matter  in  spite  of  the  episode  of  free  trade  during  the 
reign  of  Napoleon,  would  feel  constantly  chafed  at  Germany  being  at 
all  favored  by  the  tariff.  Suffice  it  for  Germany  that  the  reduction  in 
the  tariff,  and  similar  advantages  which  France  has  accorded  to  Great 
Britain,  Belgium,  Holland,  Switzerland,  Austria,  and  Kussia,  should 
continue  to  be  accorded  to  Germany  also.  The  extraordinary  favors 
above  this,  as  accorded  to  the  Zolverein  in  1862,  would,  however,  be 
canceled.  It  does  not  matter  much  to  Germany,  for  France  has  always 
been  slow  to  make  concessions.  At  one  time  France  wished  to  cancel 
all  the  above  named  treaties  of  commerce,  the  one  of  Germany  in 
cluded  ;  whether  it  can  now  afford  to  so  do,  remains  to  be  seen. 


THE  PEELIMINAEIES   OF  PEACE. 

The  preliminaries  of  peace,  as  stipulated  at  Versailles,  on  the  26th 
of  February,  1871,  were  worded  as  follows  : 

Between   the  Chancellor  ctf   the  German   Empire, 

Count  Otto  von  Bismarck-Schonhausen, 
who  holds  power  of   attorney  from  the   Emperor  of   Germany  and 

King  of  Prussia, 
The  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs  of  the  King  of  Bavaria, 

Count  Otto  von  Bray-Steinburg, 

The  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs  of   the  King  of  Wurtemburg, 
Freiherrn  August  von  Waechter, 


125 

The  Minister  of  State  and  President   of  the  Ministerial  Council  of 
the  Grand  Duchy  of  Baden,  Julius  Jolly,  Esq., 
all  of  whom  represent  the  German  Empire 

on  the  one  side, 
And  the   Chief   of  the   Executive  Power  of   the  French  Republic, 

Monsieur  Thiers, 

And  the  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs,  Jules  Favre, 

who  represent  France, 

on  the  other  side  ; 

(the  power  of  attorney  of  all  being  found  in  good  and  regular 
form  correct,)  is  made  the  following  agreement,  which  shall  serve  as 
the  preliminary  basis  to  peace,  to  be  ratified  later  (and  which  was 
duly  concluded  at  Frankfort-on-the-Main,  on  the  10th  of  May,  1871). 
ARTICLE  I.  France  resigns  to  Germany  all  her  rights  and  preten- 
tions  to  those  territories  which. lie  to  the  east  of  the  boundary,  which 
is  sketched  as  follows  :  The  line  of  demarcation  commences  on  the 
northwesterly  boundary  of  the  Canton  Cattenom,  stretching  towards 
the  Grand  Duchy  of  Luxemburg,  continues  southward  to  the  western 
boundary  of  the  Cantons  Cattenom  and  Thionville,  divides  the  Canton 
Briey,  while  running  lengthways  of  the  western  boundaries  of  the  par 
ishes  of  Montois-la  Montague  and  Roncourt,  as  well  as  lengthways  of 
the  eastern  boundaries  of  the  parishes  of  Marie-aux  Chenes,  Saint  Ail, 
and  Habouville,  touches  the  boundary  line  of  the  Canton  Gorze, 
which  it  divides  lengthway  of  the  boundaries  of  the  parishes  Vionville, 
Bouxieres  and  Onville,  runs  parallel  to  the  southwest  respectively, 
the  south  frontier  of  the  County  of  Metz,  the  western  boundary  of  the 
County  Chateau-Salins,  as  far  as  the  parish  Pettoncourt,  of  which  line 
it  embraces  the  western  and  southern  frontier,  and  then  follows  the 
spur  of  hills  which  stretch  between  the  Seille  and  the  Moncel,  as  far 
as  the  frontier  of  the  County  of  Saarburg,  south  of  Garde.  Then  the 
line  of  demarcation  unites  at  the  frontier  of  this  county  as  far  as  the 
County  Tanconville,  of  which  it  touches  the  northern  boundary. 
From  there  it  follows  the  spurs  of  hills  which  are  situated  between  the 
sources  of  the  rivulets  Sarreblanche  and  of  the  Vezouze,  as  far  as  the 
boundary  of  the  Canton  Schirmeck,  continues  along  the  western  fron 
tier  of  said  canton,  includes  the  parishes  of  Saales,  Bourg-Bruche, 
Colroy-la-Roche,  Plaine,  Eanrupt,  Saulxures,  and  Saint  Blaise-la- 
Roche,  all  of  which  are  within  the  Canton  Saales,  and  then  joins  the 
western  boundary  of  the  provinces  of  Lower  and  Upper  Rhine,  as  far 
as  the  Canton  Belfort.  Quitting  the  southern  boundary  of  it,  not  far 
from  Yourveiians,  it  divides  the  Canton  Delle  at  the  southern  frontier 
of  the  parishes  Bourogne  and  Froide-Foirtaine,  and  so  reaches  the 
frontier  of  Switzerland,  running  along  the  eastern  boundaries  of  the 
parishes  of  Jonchery  and  Delle. 


126 

The  German  Empire  shall,  forever,  possess  these  boundaries  in  full 
sovereign  power  and  right  of  ownership  to  same.  An  international 
commission,  consisting  on  both  sides,  in  equal  numbers,  of  the  rep 
resentatives  of  the  contracting  parties,  shall  immediately  be  ordered, 
after  exchange  of  ratifications  of  the  present  treaty,  to  arrange  upon 
the  spot  the  new  boundary  line  in  accordance  with  the  aforesaid  stip 
ulation. 

Said  Commision  shall  govern  the  division  of  ground  and  soil,  as 
well  as  divide  the  value  of  property  which  heretofore  belonged  in 
common  to  districts  and  parishes,  which  now  are  separated  by  the 
new  boundary  line.  In  case  of  differences  of  opinion  among  them 
selves  in  regard  to  the  boundary  line,  and  the  orders  for  their  set 
tlement,  said  Commissioners  shall  refer  the  matter  to  their  respective 
Governments  for  ultimate  decision. 

The  boundary  line,  fixed  as  above  delineated,  is  given  in  green  upon 
the  new  map,  of  which  two  have  been  made,  which  are  exactly  alike, 
and  show  the  territorial  sections  which  come  under  the  Government 
of  Alsace,  as  published  already  in  September,  1870,  at  Berlin,  by  the 
geographical  and  statistical  department  of  the  War  Office.  The  two 
maps  shall  be  affixed,  one  to  each  of  the  documents  of  the  present 
treaty. 

The  line  of  demarcation  as  so  far  given,  has,  however,  been  changed 
as  by  mutual  agreement  of  the  contracting  parties,  and  altered  as 
follows  :  In  the  former  department  of  Moselle  the  villages  Marie-aux 
Chenes,  near  St.  Privat-la-Moutagne  and  Vioiiville,  to  the  west  of  Ee- 
zonville,  are  ceded  to  Germany,  against  which  France  shall  keep  the 
town  and  forts  of  Belfort,  with  some  city  property  attached  to  it, 
which  shall  later  be  fixed  upon. 

ARTICLE  II.  France  shall  pay  to  the  Emperor  of  Germany  the  sum 
of  five  milliards  of  francs.  At  least  one  milliard  of  which  shall  be 
paid  in  the  course  of  the  year  1871,  and  the  remainder  in  the  course 
of  three  years  from  the  date  of  the  ratification  of  the  present  treaty. 

ARTICLE  III.  The  evacuation  of  the  French  from  territory  taken 
possession  of  by  German  troops  shall  commence  after  the  ratification 
of  the  present  treaty  by  the  National  Assembly  in  session  at  Bordeaux. 
Immediately  after  the  ratification,  the  German  troops  shall  quit  the 
city  limits  of  Paris,  as  well  as  those  forts  of  Paris  which  are  situated 
upon,  the  left  bank  of  the  River  Seine.  The  Germans  shall  likewise 
evacuate  in  as  little  time  as  possible,  according  to  agreement  between 
the  military  authorities  of  both  countries,  the  departments  altogether 
of  Calvados,  Orne,  Sarthe,  Eure  et  Loire,  Loiret,  Loir  et  Cher,  Indre 
et  Loire,  and  Yonne  ;  and  further,  the  departments  Seine  inferieure, 
Eure,  Seine  et  Oise,  Seine  et  Marne,  Aube,  Cote  d'or,  down  to  the 
left  bank  of  the  Seine.  At  the  same  time  the  French  troops  shall 


127 

withdraw  to  beyond  the  Loire,  which  river  they  shall  not  be  permitted 
to  cross  ere  the  treaty  of  definite  peace  is  signed.  Excepted  is  the 
garrison  of  Paris,  the  strength  of  which  shall  not  exceed  40,000  men, 
and  those  garrisons  which  are  absolutely  necessary  to  be  maintained 
for  the  security  of  fortified  places. 

The  evacuation  by  German  troops  of  departments  which  are  situ 
ated  between  the  right  bank  of  the  Seine  and  the  eastern  boundary, 
shall  gradually  take  place  after  the  ratification  of  the  definitive  treaty 
of  peace  has  been  signed,  and  the  payment  of  the  first  half  milliard  of 
contribution  money  shall  have  been  duly  made,  as  stipulated  in  Arti 
cle  II. 

The  evacuation  shall  commence  from  those  departments  which  lie 
nearest  to  Paris,  and  shall  so  continue  in  proportion  to  the  contribu 
tion  money  coming  in.  After  the  first  payment  of  half  a  milliard,  the 
following  departments  shall  be  evacuated  :  Somme,  Oise,  and  those 
sections  of  the  departments  Seine  inferieure,  Seine  et  Oise,  arid  Seine 
et  Marne,  which  are  situated  upon  the  right  bank  of  the  Seine,  as 
well  as  the  sections  of  the  Department  Seine,  and  the  forts  upon  the 
right  bank  of  the  Seine. 

After  the  payment  of  two  milliards,  the  occupation  of  French,  terri 
tory  by  German  troops  shall  comprise  but  the  departments  of  Marne, 
Ardennes,  Haute  Marne,  Meuse,  Yosges,  Meurthe,  as  well  as  the 
fortress  Belfort,  with  its  city  limits,  which  shall  serve  as  further  pledge 
for  the  debt  until  the  remainder  three  milliards  shall  have  been  forth 
coming.  The  number  of  German  troops  upon  said  territory  shall  not 
exceed  50,000  men. 

It  is  left  for  the  Emperor  of  Germany  to  decide  whether  he  will 
accept  a  financial  guaranty  to  a  territorial  one,  which  he  has  got  now, 
while  occupying  certain  sections  of  France,  should  the  Government 
of  France  make  overtures  to  that  effect  for  the  purpose  of  a  riddance 
of  the  Germans  from  France,  and  the  Emperor  of  Germany  prefer 
accepting  them  as  in  the  interest  of  Germany  as  amounting  to  the 
same  thing. 

For  the  three  milliards,  if  their  payment  should  be  put  off,  five  per 
cent,  interest  will  be  added  to  the  sum  total  until  paid,  and  counted 
from  the  day  of  ratification  of  the  present  compact. 

ARTICLE  IV.  The  German  troops  shall  not  touch  anything  in  the 
departments  which  they  occupy,  in  the  way  of  requisitions,  whether 
of  money  or  property,  of  the  French.  Against  which  those  troops 
who  have  to  remain  in  France  for  the  present  shall  be  maintained 
at  the  expense  of  the  Government  of  France,  and  provided  for  at  a 
ratio  as  shall  be  agreed  upon  by  the  Commissary  Department  of  the 
German  Empire. 


128 

ARTICLE  V.  The  interests  of  the  inhabitants  of  territory  ceded  by 
France  to  Germany,  shall  be  regulated  for  them  as  favorably  as  possi 
ble,  in  regard  to  their  commerce  and  industrial  rights,  and  as  soon  as 
the  conditions  of  a  definitive  peace  shall  have  been  fixed  upon.  For 
this  purpose  a  certain  time  will  be  agreed  to,  within  which  those 
inhabitants  shall  enjoy  especial  facilities  for  a  free  exchange  of  their 
commercial  productions  of  industry.  The  German  Government  shall 
not  hinder  the  free  egress  of  inhabitants  from  those  sections  of  terri 
tory,  nor  shall  it  take  measures  towards  any  of  those  inhabitants 
which  touch  the  person  or  property. 

ARTICLE  VI.  The  prisoners  of  war  who  have  not  as  yet  been  liber 
ated,  by  way  of  an  exchange  of  prisoners,  shall  be  delivered  up  imme 
diately  upon  the  ratification  of  the  preliminaries.  In  order  to  facili 
tate  the  transportation  of  the  French  prisoners,  the  French  govern 
ment  shall  put  a  certain  number  of  railway  cars  at  the  disposal  of  the 
German  authorities,  and  send  so  many  of  them  into  the  interior  of 
Germany  as  shall  be  found  expedient  for  such  an  accommodation 
and  at  a  charge  the  same  as  paid  in  France  by  the  Government  for 
the  transport  of  the  military. 

ARTICLE  VII.  The  opening  of  the  negotiations  in  regard  to  a  defin 
itive  peace,  which  is  to  be  concluded  upon  the  basis  of  these  prelimina 
ries,  shall  take  .place  in  Brussels,  and  without  delay,  after  ratification 
of  their  contents  by  the  National  Assembly  and  the  Emperor  of  Ger 
many. 

ARTICLE  VIII.  After  conclusion  and  ratification  of  the  definitive 
peace,  the  administration  of  the  departments  which  have  to  remain 
occupied  by  German  troops,  shall  again  be  turned  over  to  French 
authorities.  Yet  the  latter  shall  have  to  submit  to  the  dictation  of 
commanding  generals  of  those  German  troops  in  regard  to  what  they 
consider  necessary  to  be  required  of  said  authorities  for  the  safety, 
the  care,  and  the  cantonments  of  soldiers. 

In  the  departments  so  occupied  the  collecting  of  taxes  shall  be  at 
tended  to  after  ratification  of  the  present  treaty  for  account  of  the 
French  Government  and  through  French  officials. 

ARTICLE  IX.  It  is  understood  that  the  present  treaty  stipulations 
cannot  give  to  the  German  military  authorities  a  right  of  any  kind  to 
the  ownership  of  those  sections  of  the  territory,  which  are  not  at 
present  occupied  by  German  troops. 

ARTICLE  X.  The  present  preliminaries  shall  be  laid  without  delay 
before  the  Emperor  of  Germany,  as  well  as  before  the  French 
National  Assembly,  which  holds  its  sessions  at  Bordeaux,  for  ratifica 
tion.  (Signatures.) 

Done  at  Versailles  the  26th  of  February,  1871. 

Witness  :  BLUME, 

Mayor  in  the  staff  of  Generals. 


PART   THE   TWELFTH 


GEBMANY    AT    HOME. 


At  home  Germany  has  now  laws,  thanks  to  progress,  which  give 
freedom  to  the  press,  that  man  may  promulgate  his  opinion  and  cul 
tivate  truth,  knowledge  and  taste  among  the  people — give  liberty  to 
marry  by  pacifying  the  old  feudal  anxiety  of  caste,  so  mainly  and 
obviously  detrimental  to  nuptial  bliss  of  the  parties  concerned— does 
away  with  the  uncharitable  act  of  imprisonment  for  debt,  which 
debars  man  from  rallying  his  energies  thus  paralized,  while  it  lulls 
the  other  into  inertness  to  look  out  for  his  own  business,  whom  to 
trust  and  when  losing,  is  apt  to  blame  everybody  else  save  himself, 
in  spite  of  the  law  shielding  him  in  the  courts  of  justice  against 
downright  villainy — secures  free  labor,  and  finally  regulates  trade  and 
commerce  among  the  divers  States  of  the  Union;  provides  for  the 
homeless,  the  sick  and  the  needy  in  a  dutiful  and  suitable  way.  and 
in  a  fraternal  Christian  manner. 

How  greatly  and  beneficially  these  aforesaid  laws  affect  personal 
liberty,  advance  the  unrestrained  movements  of  man,  and  above  all, 
lift  the  working  classes  into  home  comforts  through  these  laws,  which 
secure  their  happiness  and  shield  their  independence,  enabling  them 
to  put  a  proper  value  upon  their  labor  and  time,  and  thus  receive  far 
better  wages  than  hithertofore  attainable  according  to  their  labor's 
legitimate  worth,  all  these  traits  of  civilization  cannot  be  loudly 
enough  commended  and  applauded,  nor  by  the  Germans  sufficiently 
heartily  appreciated. 

That  Germany  has  so  changed  for  the  better,  within  comparatively 
a  brief  space  of  time,  is  perfectly  wonderful,  and  what  is  still  more 
gratifying,  the  world  believes  in  it  as  having  been  proved  by  success, 
and  correctly  and  justly  attributes  the  defeat  of  the  French,  not  to  a 
decadence  bf  prowess  in  the  latter  nation,  but  simply  to  the  greater 
moral  and  intellectual  strength  of  Germany  as  displayed  by  the 
Union. 

Those  mental  links  of  theirs,  composed  of  the  strength  of  enlighten 
ment,  which  were  commenced  to  be  made  a  generation  previously  to 
15 


130 

1870,  have  now  been  hotly  smelted  in  the  unearthly  fire  of  the  war 
by  all  concerned,  and  have  completed  the  chain  of  brotherhood  to  a 
length  which  shall  maintain  its  solidity  of  independence  forever,  It 
shall  be  extended  to  the  outside  world,  until  the  last  German  now 
under  foreign  monarchial  rule  shall  belong  to  the  mother  country, 
and  the  change  of  the  present  form  of  Government  into  the  repub 
lican  be  duly,  peaceably,  and  everlastingly  inaugurated. 

This  latter  task  of  the  requisition  of  foreigners  shall  comparatively 
be  an  easy  one,  and  it  is  to  be  hoped  will  be  a  peaceful  one. 

Instead  of  40,000,000,  as  at  present,  Germany  shall  then  foot  up 
about  60,000,000  population,  a  strength  which  is  at  all  times  of  the 
future  a  guarantee  for  peace,  as  long  as  monarchial  governments 
addicted  to  Avars  shall  be  in  Europe  ;  but  at  the  same  time  points  to 
the  impossibility  of  harmonizingly  holding  together  so  vast  an  enlight 
ened  nation,  except  under  a  republican  form  of  Government,  after  the 
experience  in  the  United  States  of  America. 

How  petty  monarchies  wane  under  such  auspices  this  war  has  best 
shown.  As  the  previous  alienation  of  the  South  from  the  North  was 
the  work  of  unscrupulous  machinations,  therefore  unenlightened,  so 
it  had  to  wane  before  the  power  of  genius  of  a  Bismarck,  and  the 
patriotism  of  an  Emperor  William  and  his  son. 

•  Some  thirty  kingdoms,  dukedoms,  principalities,  free  cities,  etcetera, 
German  sovereignties,  among  one  kindred  people,  upon  a  small  piece 
of  land  of  the  globe,  harrassing  one  another  by  wanton  obstreperous- 
ness,  to  love  each  other  as  nearest  relatives  among  mankind,  suddenly 
concentrating  into  one  national  government  in  Germany.  What  pro 
gress  of  the  age  ! 

What  is  it  which  so  blessed  their  understanding  ? — bearing  the  grey 
veil  from  their  eyes,  and  showed  them  cured  of  glaucoma,  with  no 
fear  of  a  relapse  ?  It  was  the  universally  applied  medicine  of  the 
school  book  1  !  !  Eeligion,  faith  in  God  and  themselves,  as  evoked 
upon  the  occasion  by  the  hostility  of  a  warlike  and  aggressive  nation — 
self-defense  in  barbarous  times,  made  necessary  to  be  deplored. 

It  lead  to  the  internal  application  of  knowledge,  instead  of  the  use 
of  the  painful  and  risky  operations  of  external  force.  And  who  is  the 
learned  physician,  the  Graeffe  of  the  faculty?  America  !  America  ! 
where  8,000,000  of  citizens  of  German  origin  continually  correspond 
with  their  respective  relatives  on  the  continent  of  Europe,  and  tell 
them  how  freely,  unrestrainedly,  and  comfortably  they  live  and  are 
nappy.*  

*  The  poorer  of  the  means  of  subsistence  foreigners  arrive  in  America,  the  more 
gratefully  and  quicker  will  they  write  home,  provided  always,  and  applicable  to  all 
nations  alike,  the  individual  has  temperate  habits;  but  the  richer  the  universal  for 
eigner  arrives  in  America,  the  longer  the  time  in  which  he  improves  to  comprehend 


131 

As  to  this  war,  if  there  is  anything  which  could  at  all  recompense  a 
citizen  for  having  bravely  risked  his  life  to  save  the  country,  outside 
of  the  reward,  with  which  his  conscience  of  having  clone  his  duty  fills 
his  breast  with  serene  'happiness,  it  is  for  once  the  undisguised, 
straightforward  intention  on  the  part  of  the  Germans  to  amend  their 
social  laws — and  what  is  more,  they  have  done  it. 

There  now  exists  a  universal  right  and  liberty  of  a  citizen  of  one 
State  desirous  of  choosing  and  settling  in  any  other  German  State,  to 
so  do,  and  to  be  viewed  in  every  respect  as  it'  he  were  born  there.  It 
is  altogether  in  imitation  of  America  ;  it  is  completely  republican, 
humane,  and  broad.  The  citizen  so  settling  has  free  liberty  to  do 
what  he  may  please  in  pursuit  of  his  happiness  ;  he  has  the  same  state 
rights  as  the  citizen  born  there,  can  settle  permanently,  labor  as  he 
may  prefer,  can  apply  for  some  official  position,  can  buy  and  sell 
land,  can  become,  as  said  before,  a  citizen,  if  he  chooses,  of  that 
State  ;  in  fact,  stands  on  a  par  with  one  born  there,  including  every 
justice  in  courts,  which  is  eked  out  to  him  as  to  others,  and  every 
juridical  protection.  Neither  the  State  where  he  was  born  in,  or  came 
from  last,  nor  any  other,  can  molest  him,  while  in  his  new  domicil 


this  incomparably  free  country.  The  latter  gentlemen,  from  Dan  to  Bethslieba, 
alight  at  their  respective  clubs  and  stay  there,  adding  nothing  to  their  knowledge, 
nor  do  they  forget  what  afflicted  them  in  Europe  with  the  glaucoma  upon  their  vis 
ion;  they  absolutely  defy,  above  everything,  the  appreciation  of  me  virtue  of  labor 
in  any  shape,  which  necessarily  consigns  them  to  the  more  arduous  duties  of  the 
refinement  of  the  aboriginal,  in  the  various  shapes  of  sensual  gratification  more  or 
less  gross.  They  are  the  unrelenting  enemies  of  the  charitable  feeling  of  brother 
hood  and  tolerance,  until  introduced  to  members  of  the  club,  having  excised  their 
curiosity  by  their  good  breeding,  their  knowledge  and  their  wealth. 

Upon  becoming  more  intimately  acquainted,  the  Europeans  begin  to  reflect,  and 
are  beyond  measure  astonished  to  find  that  their  new  co)t'js\  the  Americans,  are  the 
beloved  sons  of  self-made  men,  and  their  amiability,  unresisting,  because  natural 
in  the  atmosphere  of  this  country,  and  the  Americans,  that  the  ancestors  of  the 
foreigners  of  rank  slew  more  human  beings  in  battle  than  the  King  of  Ashantee, 
and  the  "accomplished  gentleman  "  generally  an  icy  matter  of  form. 

It  is  this  incorrigible  restraint,  fostered  by  a  want  of  productive  labor,  and  aggri- 
vated  by  aristocratic  customs,  which  prevents  an  intelligent  foreigner  from  compre 
hending  the  moral  strength  and  vastness  of  the  number  of  useful  and  important 
citizens  in  the  United  States  to  their  veal  worth,  and  actually  leaves  the  country 
with  a  theatrical  impression  upon  his  mind  that  the  liberty  of  America  is  a  gaudy 
coulisse,  behind  which  the  tragedy  of  pandemonium  is  rehearsed,  which  is  bound  to 
swallow  up  the  Union  with  lire  and  brimstone,  when  the  country  shall  be  as  popu 
lated  as  Europe. 

It  is  well  that  he  leaves,  and  better  still,  should  he  be  accompanied  by  a  precious 
bevy  of  promiscuous  infidels,  who,  born  Christians,  have  lost  their  pious  faith  in 
God,  in  the  permanency  of  the  Republican  institutions,  and  in  marriage.  Setting 
aside  the  reprehensible  tendency  in  a  purely  patriotic  view,  such  harrangue,  at  this 
age,  from  otherwise  intelligent  people,  to  which  one  is  unavoidably  subjected,  is,  to 
say  the  least,  extremely  vulgar,  and  would  deserve  no  notice  whatever  if  it  was  not 


and  abode.  This  law,  so  generous,  humane,  and  republican,  came 
into  force  1st  July,  1871.  All  the  States  of  the  Union  embraced  it 
except  Bavaria,  and  that  State  is,  of  course,  but  for  the  present  reluc 
tant  to  so  do. 

It  comprises  not  only  laboring  men,  mechanics,  and  merchants,  but 
every  citizen.  As  it  is  of  more  general  avail  among  persons  in  the  habit 
of  constantly  moving  about,  it  is  so  much  more  beneficial  in  a  public 
point  of  view.  This  great  law  answers  the  modern  principles  of  social 
rights,  it  does  away  with  the  old  barrier  of  sedentary  habits  and  here 
ditary  customs,  cures  the  lethargic  effects  of  home  sickness,  and  hurls 
every  one  into  the  great  current  of  public  usefulness  and  cheerful 
labor.  Soon  the  country  will  be  too  small,  and  they  want  colonies. 
Go  ahead.  If  that  law  is  not  copied  from  America,  then  the  members 
of  the  German  Diet  are  men  of  sound  republican  principles,  beyond  a 
doubt,  and  are,  indeed,  original,  and  deserve  encomium  far  and  wide. 
With  this  great  law  the  last  fibre  of  a  narrow-minded,  selfish,  particu- 
larismus  is  outrooted. 

As  it  is  in  the  Union  of  America,  so  it  is  in  Germany :  A  citizen  of 
California  is  as  dear  to  the  Union  of  America  as  a  citizen  of  Maine  or 
Florida  ;  and  in  Germany  a  citizen  of  Prussia  is  as  integral  a  part  of 
the  Union  of  Germany  to-day  as  is  one  of  Saxony  or  Wurtemberg. 
All  this  was  planned  in  1866,  and  in  four  years  fully  consummated. 
What  a  progress  ! 


positively  dangerous  to  public  welfare  because  of  its  contamination  among  the  un 
sophisticated. 

To  openly  rattle  at  pillars  of  the  civilization  of  ages,  built  and  hourly  strength 
ened  by  reason,  truth  and  duty,  fully  sustained  by  grateful  experience,  and  resting 
eternally  erected  upon  the  living  truth  of  life  itself,  cannot  but  end  in  an  entire 
overthrow  of  the  mind  of  such  an  unfortunate  individual,  ultimately  consigning  it 
either  to  the  asylum ,  or  a  paroxism  of  suicidal  despair. 

The  fact  is,  the  rich  European  seeks  America  in  large  cities  only,  just  as  he  erron 
eously  judges  France  from  Paris  only,  mistaking  the  dash  of  extreme  fashion  for  the 
governing  principle  of  civilization,  and  therefore  remains  ignorant  of  the  import 
ance  of  the  nation  at  large. 

To  an  aristocrat  the  definition  of  the  word  materialismus  is  at  all  times  wanted. 
His  intellect  is  perfectly  obfuscated  as  to  the  purposes  of  labor  and  its  virtuous  ten 
dencies  towards  the  advancement  of  the  morality  and  happiness  of  man,  as  he 
never  experienced  the  pecuniary  necessity  of  it.  He  therefore  cannot  comprehend 
that  to  a  civilized  being,  to  the  most  civilized  nation,  there  is  nothing  left  but  labor 
to  save  them,  rich  or  poor,  from  idiocy  or  barbarism. 

How  can  such  minds  comprehend  the  wealth  which  freedom  in  America  lavishes 
upon  everyone  worthy  of  himself,  and  enables  him  to  make  labor  of  all  kinds,  at  all 
times,  immediately  productive  and  'useful  to  himself  and  mankind  at  large.  The 
sweets  of  toil,  the  charms  of  fraternity,  are  pitifully  lost  to  the  aristocrat,  the  igno 
rance  of  which  sours  his  temper  and  makes  him  disagreeable  to,  and  frequently 
derided  by  all  enlightened  fellow-men,  all  because  inertness  debarred  him  from 
knowing  himself. 


133 


It  appears  from  the  broadness  of  this  blessed  law  that  it  will  become 
entirely  unnecessary  for  Germany  to  forcibly  insist  upon  the  transfer 
of  the  not-united,  monarchically  ruled  Germans  ;  suffice  that  it  be 
comes  known  abroad.  The  respective  foreign  governments  will  be 
obliged  to  initiate  the  question  themselves,  and  meet  Germany  half 
way  upon  the  subject,  or  else  expect  a  revolution  in  their  own  coun 
tries  which  would  lose  them  the  provinces  without  remuneration. 

As  a  matter  of  course,  these  various  laws  which  the  German  Diet 
have  so  honestly  made,  were  vouchsafed  by  the  constitution  !  To 
carry  out  the  constitution  is  to  guarantee  liberalism  and  prepare  for 
republicanism.  It  shows  the  spirit  of  the  Union  as  being  largely 
and  equally  diffused  among  the  more  uniformly  enlightened  people, 
which  shall  henceforth  enable  the  nation  to  progress  steadily  and 
without  hinderance  by  foreign  nations,  being  at  all  times  in  a  position 
to  ignore  with  patriotic  contempt  any  outside  design  at  an  impedi 
ment  to  such  a  steady  national  growth,  correctly  judged  by  them  as 
emanating  from  a  political  jealousy,  and  the  daring  of  the  attempt 
itself  at  such  a  hostile  act,  to  be  sternly  viewed  in  the  lio-ht  of  a  COSHS 
betti. 

Those  aforesaid  intelligent  classes  shall  continue  to  enlarge  them 
selves  from  the  million,  just  like  in  the  United  States  of  America, 
constantly  reaching  the  surface  of  intellectual  strength  through  as 
much  universally  uniform  a  school  system  as  ever  possibly  to  continue 
to  be  created,  in  order  to  be  enabled  to  pave  their  own  way  to  the 
notice  of  their  merits  in  after  life,  by  the  fellow-citizens  of  their 
country  and  the  world  at  large. 


PART  THE  THIRTEENTH. 


THE  FUTURE  OF  THE  GERMANIC  RACE.— THE  REGEN 
ERATION  OF  THE  NETHERLANDS. 


All  that  Germany  needs  besides  the  inland  Germans,  ruled  over  by 
foreigners,  is  Holland,  its  fleet  and  colonies,  as  it  would,  give  to  the 
entire  German  Union  the  necessary  adjacent  seacoast  to  unitedly 
develop  itself  from,  and  to  be  enabled  to  create  and  maintain  com 
mercial  facilities  in  proportion  to  its  political  greatness.  Germany 
may  then  consider  herself  international^  independent,  and  in  a  posi 
tion  to  enjoy  freedom,  happiness  and  influence  in  a  full  cosmopolitan 
view.  Without  Holland,  the  trans-oceanic  commerce  of  Germany 
could  never  develop  itself  in  due  and  full  proportion  to  her  national 
strength  in  general,  and  would  unavoidably  fall  a  prey  to  other 
nations,  to  the  obvious  detriment  of  her  political  influence. 

As  to  the  two  only  cosmopolitan  nations  of  the  World,  the  United 
States  of  America  and  Great  Britain,  they  would  conjointly  receive 
the  youthful  giant  with  open  arms,  the  only  one  besides  them  that 
was  needed  to  vest  the  progress  of  future  ages  principally  in  the  Ger 
manic  race.  As  there  is  room  enough  in  Oceanica  and  Africa  for  the 
youthful  giant  to  colonize  among  the  natives,  Germany  does  not  in 
terfere  with  the  interests  of  Great  Britain;  on  the  contrary,  the  two 
nations  shall  progress  together.  The  comparatively  slumbering 
energy  of  the  Dutch  and  Hanse-towns  would  revive  to  a  miraculous 
extent  under  the  strong  shield  of  protection  from  the  all-common 
fatherland.  There  never  was  a  theory  which  could  so  easily  be  prac 
tically  applied.  The  idea  of  the  French,  an  inferior  nation  as  to 
population  when  compared  with  Germany,  as  it  should  be,  can  be, 
and  must  be,  to  settle  in  Cochin-China !  It  would  be  an  everlasting 
opprobrium  to  Germany  to  now  not  unite  all  her  elements  for  a  simi 
lar  purpose.  What  glory  it  would  be  to  civilization!  What  a  future 
for  Holland! 

Why  !  she  would  by  far  eclipse  Prussia  in  Germany.  Holland  in 
Germany  would  represent  Germany  in  the  world,  while  Prussia 
alone  can  represent  the  present  Union  but  in  Europe  only,  possessing 


135 

neither  colonies  nor  a  fleet  in  adequate  proportion  to  the  present  con 
solidation  of  the  country.  Holland,  together  with  the  Hanse-towns 
and  Baltic  ports,  would  lead  the  way  into  the  world,  converting  once 
more  their  own  commerce  into  uncountable  gold,  and  the  united  pro 
ductions  of  such  a  Germany  into  requisition  by  all  mankind. 

Holland  and  Belgium,  (the  lower  lands  of  Germany,  as  formerly 
continental  Germany  formed  the  upper  land  of  the  Dutch  Empire) 
have  shown  to  the  world  in  ages  past  what  progress  a  nation  can  pave 
when  possessing  accessible  and  good  harbors,  and  what  a  union  of 
energetic  men  is  capable  of  performing  and  achieving.  Just  like  her 
incomparable  neighbor  in  Europe  to-day  :  the  British  nation.  What 
has  made  Great  Britain  great?  Character,  knowledge  of  geography, 
indomitable  courage,  perseverance  and  discretion.  Has  she  not  got 
the  same  attributes  ?  Enough,  Holland  has  proved  it  once,  and  shall 
prove  it  again.  Those  same  virtues  that  gave  her  neighbor  a  London, 
a  Liverpool,  a  Manchester,  a  Birmingham,  a  Glasgow,  and  a  Calcutta, 
gave  to  the  Netherlands  of  that  great  Dutch  Empire  an  Amsterdam, 
a  Eotterdam,  a  Middleburg,  a  Batavia,  and  to  the  now  called  Belgium 
an  Antwerp,  which  was,  about  three  centuries  ago,  the  largest  com 
mercial  city  upon  the  globe.  Imperishable  as  her  renown  is  the  one 
of  Hamburg,  Bremen,  and  Lubeck,  which  sisterhood  shall  again  pro 
duce  a  cosmopolitan  greatness,  and  undoubtedly  greater  than  before, 
because  assisted  by  steam. 

As  to  Belgium,  which  is  partially  hidden  from  the  German  Union 
by  the  French  language,  the  British  Empire  has  hithertofore  gladly 
protected  her  against  the  encroachments  of  France  as  entirely  owing 
to  the  previous  incompetency  of  Germany,  on  account  of  its  distrac 
tion  so  to  do,  but  which  is  now  obviated  by  this  war.  The  Belgians, 
as  early  as  the  fifteenth  century,  were  proud  to  call  themselves  of 
Germanic  origin.  Her  alienation,  like  that  of  Holland,  is,  therefore, 
unnatural,  and,  consequent  only,  upon  the  rise  of  the  British  Em 
pire  as  having  superseded  the  greatness  of  the  Dutch  Empire,  from 
which  dissolution  the  Netherlands  were  saved. 

As  Holland  once  included  Germany,  so  shall  Germany  now  include 
Holland,  because,  as  said  before,  a  great  Union  has  to  require  a  great 
seacoast.  The  re-establishment  of  the  greatness  of  the  Netherlands, 
and  Hanse-towns,  depends,  therefore,  entirely  upon  the  entrance  of 
the  former  into  the  present  Union  of  Germany.  The  world  will  be 
lieve  in  it,  because  it  remembers  that  the  Wallonian  city  of  Luttich 
vied  in  elegance  with  any  other  of  the  period — that  the  Luxembur- 
gians  afforded  princes  who  ascended  the  throne  of  Germany,  as 
well  as  that  the  memorable  battle  of  Muehldorf  decided  the  fate  of 
Germany  and  Italy — that  it  was  in  Flanders  where  the  German  Hansa 


136 

lived  her  imperishable  renown  before  the  world,  and  that  Brugge  was 
unsurpassed. 

The  most  palmy  days  of  Brabant  where  those  when  her  people 
commingled  their  interests  with  those  of  the  German  Empire.  As  to 
the  Vlamish  people,  those  are  of  Germanic  origin,  best  proved  by  the 
Vlamish  language.  They  should  all  belong  to  Germany,  with  the 
exception,  perhapw,  of  the  Wallonians,  who  have,  more  or  less,  adopted 
French  habits  and  customs  ;  in  fact,  are  partially  identified  with  the 
French. 

How  great  the  change  has  been  among  the  two  greatest  nations  of 
the  world — the  United  States  of  America  and  Great  Britain — in  their 
esteem  for  the  present  German  Union,  and  all  the  exemplary  intelli 
gent  men  who  have  so  signally  contributed  to  it  is  but  seen  here  from 
the  sudden  silence  of  the  sneering  tongue  among  the  vast  forty  mill 
ions,  pardonably  doubting  at  the  commencement  of  the  war  victory 
over  the  French,  although  somewhat  prepared  for  it  since  the  battle 
of  Sadowa,  yet  by  no  means  expecting  it  as  a  certainty — said  tongue 
became  more  and  more  paralized  during  the  continuancy  of  the  war 
and  its  endless  victories.  It  ceased  altogether  from  one  end  of  the 
country  to  the  other  to  audily  vibrate,  when  by  the  venerable  Em 
peror's  entrance  into  Paris,  the  strange  fact  of  the  existence  of  a  larger 
and  stronger  nation  upon  the  continent  of  Europe  than  the  French 
were,  revealingly  flashed  upon  them  all  at  once,  having  become  a 
glaringly  incontrovertible  and  undeniable  fact. 

From  the  day  that  the  Hollandish  Knickerbockers  had  settled  in 
New  York,  down  to  the  hour  in  which  the  battle  of  Jena  had  lately 
been  balanced  in  Paris  by  the  above  symbol  of  justice,  the  Americans 
at  large  had  fancied  the  German  to  be  a  degenerated  Hollander,  the 
so-called  Germany  being  incomprehensible  to  them  on  account  of  the 
confusion  of  petty  sovereignties  and  feudal  enmities  among  a  kindred 
people,  who  were  to  them  therefore  excusably  less  known  than  the 
tribes  of  Indians  upon  their  Occident. 

The  less  educated  again  down  to  the  altogether  unceremonious  boy, 
indulged  even  in  epithets,  which  though  law  and  inhospitable,  had 
likewise  their  origin  in  the  political  nonentity  of  the  Germans  as  a 
nation  of  union,  of  harmony,  and  of  strength,  not  having  had,  until 
the  battle  of  Sadowa,  a  single  proof  to  the  contrary  on  record,  nor 
at  all  caring  to  investigate  causes. 

Although  the  present  Germany  is  not  as  yet  by  any  means  what 
Holland  once  was — ^a  cosmopolitan  nation,  and  at  her  time  the  most 
powerful  nation  upon  the  globe,  because  of  not  having  either  colo 
nies  or  a  fleet  in  proportion  to  her  continental  greatness  to-day- 
still  America  begins,  as  well  as  England,  to  expect  it.  As  Holland 
once  included  Germany  upon  reasons  of  compactness,  so  Germany 
must  now  include  Holland,  her  colonies  and  fleet. 


137 

It  is  the  new  doctrine  of  the  concentration  of  nationalities  practi 
cally  carried  out  by  monarchs,  in  order  to  save  to  the  people  not 
merely  the  expense  of  so  many  hereditary  superfluities,  but  to  legiti 
mately  centralize  their  power  to  suit  the  times,  which  demand  on  the 
part  of  a  people,  the  expansion  of  general  progress  in  proper  accord 
ance  with  this  age  of  fleetness,  which  intends  to  exhaust  the  wealth 
of  the  world  ever  since  Steam  has  brought  it  within  reach  of  all. 

If  the  Kings  of  Prussia,  of  Bavaria,  of  Saxony,  of  Hanover,  of 
Wurtemberg  and  the  remainder  of  German  princes,  can  lay  down 
their  crowns  upon  the  altar  of  the  German  fatherland,  surely  the 
King  of  Holland  can,  and  Holland  shall,  like  the  Hanse-towns  have 
already  commenced  to  gain  by  the  broadness  of  the  impetus  given  to 
commercial  progress,  the  full  revival  of  its  ancient  renown  and  cos 
mopolitan  importance  as  explained  already  in  previous  pages. 

When,  in  the  rotation  of  history,  the  Dutch  yielded  their  supremacy 
of  the  commerce  of  the  world  to  the  British,  the  Americans,  although 
indifferent  to  the  power  of  the  latter,  nevertheless  always  considered 
the  English,  in  case  of  aggression,  a  competent  foe  to  compete  with, 
but  never  did  they  estimate  Germany  or  any  other  nation  as  of  any 
real  consequence  in  the  balance  of  power  of  the  world.  Even 
France  never  excelled  much  in  their  eyes  beyond  a  continental  Euro 
pean  power  far  less  than  any  other  power  upon  the  continent  of  Eu 
rope;  and  that  little  political  respect  which  America  had  for  France 
as  a  cosmopolitan  power,  during  the  reign  of  the  first  Napoleon,  was 
fully  obliterated  by  the  fiasco  the  other  Napoleon  made  in  Mexico, 
doubting  the  Union  of  the  United  States  of  America.  Too  exalted 
to  take  any  notice  of  his  non-Monroeian  intentions  at  the  time,  and 
too  republican  and  noble  to  exult  over  the  defeat  of  the  French  in 
this  war  with  Germany,  they  were  like  the  English,  heartily  relieved 
when  French  influence  suddenly  disappeared  in  a  cloud. 

In  Great  Britain  the  change  has  been  equally  great.  Justly  vexed  at 
the  inconsistency  of  her  own  Government  of  having  inveigled  the  nation 
into  an  alliance  with  France,  at  the  time  of  the  Crimean  war,  instead 
of  having  elevated,  as  was  then  feasible,  tiny  but  vigorous  Prussia, 
for  the  same  purpose  of  counteracting  the  influence  of  Kussia  in 
Turkey,  etc.,  is  explained  from  an  over-estimation  of  French  power 
and  general  importance  ever  since  the  reign  of  the  first  Napoleon, 
the  world  not  having  had  an  opportunity  afforded  of  becoming  dis 
abused  of  it.  England  now  embraces  the  opportunity  of  not  only 
remembering  the  auld  lang  syne  of  Waterloo,  and  is  naturally  at  all 
times  sweetly  reminded  of  the  welfare  of  her  own  daughter,  but  com 
prehends  the  harmony  of  race  and  religion . 

Vice  versa  the  German  politicians  who    are   unfriendly  to   Great 
Britain,  or  worse,  defend  a  monarchical  against  the  American  form 
16 


138 

of  government,  are  always  theorists  who,  in  their  younger  days  have 
not  traveled  outside  of  the  small  continent  of  Europe;  they  don't 
know  anything  of  Great  Britain  and  the  United  States  of  America 
either — as  nations;  they  cannot  possibly  get  at  any  correct  conception 
of  what  a  cosmopolitan  power  really  means,  because  they  have  not 
traveled  in  what  is  called  "  the  world  "  nor  even  themselves  been 
Hamburg  or  Bremen  merchants,  of  a  world- wide  influence,  to  be 
able  to  judge  correctly  of  the  power  of  nations.  A  voyage  to  the 
United  States  of  America,  continued  to  China  and  India,  would  facil 
itate  their  theoretical  knowledge,  to  be  condensed  into  practical  views 
and  enable  them  to  more  steadily  progress. 


PART  THE  FOURTEENTH. 


THE  COSMOPOLITAN  POWER  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES  OF 
AMERICA,  GREAT  BRITAIN,  AND  UNITED  GERMANY. 


History,  in  viewing  and  recapitulating  the  social  consequences  of 
this  war,  at  this  high  period  of  the  world's  civilization,  above  all  notes 
the  firm  basis  which  education  has  so  far  built  in  Europe,  and  upon 
which  liberalism  securely  rests.  That  basis  is  of  a  firmness  which  no 
anti-liberalism  can  distrust  or  assail.  There  is  no  falling  back  from 
the  height  of  knowledge  attained  ;  there  is  no  labyrinthian  darkness  in 
the  mind  of  man  when  the  external  sun  of  liberty,  of  humane  tole 
rance,  of  goodness,  and  of  charitable  plenty,  pierces  the  openings  in 
the  walls  of  reason,  but  very  dimly  lit  up  at  all  times  in  any  one 
by  the  artificial  light  of  knowledge  of  any  kind.  That  such  is  the  case 
in  Europe  is  now  an  incontrovertible  fact,  thanks  to  liberalism,  thanks 
to  its  causes — education,  thanks  to  America  which  influenced  its  appli 
cation,  thanks  to  steam  and  telegraph,  by  which  geographical  distances 
have  been  annihilated,  so  as  to  hourly  and  ceaselessly  promote  its 
spread,  and  thanks  to  the  pioneers  of  liberalism  and  those  of  com 
merce,  a  liberalism  cosmopolitanly,  materially,  and  practically  aiding 
it.  The  anti-Liberal  constraint  in  religious,  political,  and  social  matters, 
is  gladly  found  to  abate  rapidly.  The  concentration  of  crowns,  espec 
ially  in  Germany  and  Italy,  asserts  the  truthful  fact. 

The  non-interference  of  Great  Britain  in  this  war,  another  import 
ant  proof  of  how  liberalism  is  but  synonymous  of  peace,  humanity, 
tolerance,  individual  comfort  and  enlightenment,  the  fruits  of  educa 
tion,  gathered  from  the  tree  of  life,  which  is  ordained  to  be  indepen 
dent.  Great  Britain,  a  non-interferent  in  this  war,  while  an  ally  of 
France,  showed  most  undoubtedly  that  her  people  acquiesced  in  the 
doctrine  of  the  continuancy  for  the  present  of  monarchial  power,  for 
the  same  careful  reasons  which  Germany  and  Italy  advance.  She 
could  not  have  sided  with  France  against  those  convictions,  as  that 
would  have  led  to  revolution  all  over  Europe.  Personal  restraint, 
which  is  so  chronic  in  Great  Britain  and  Germany,  it  is  to  be  feared 
if  violently  rented,  would  bring  untold  misery.  The  ripe  fruit  of 


140 

republicanism  will  fall  off  the  tree  of  knowledge,  without  hindrance, 
in  due  time,  like  any  fully  ripe  garden  fruit. 

The  hatred  of  some  of  the  French  people  against  foreigners — a 
sickly  glare  from  the  smouldering  embers  of  ambition  on  the  part  of 
their  monarchial  adherents — after  France,  to-day,  is  enjoying  the  prac 
tical  blessings  of  the  republican  form  of  government,  is  another  reason 
why  the  remainder  of  the  people  upon  the  continent  of  Europe  can 
not  as  yet  be  republican,  nor  even  venture  to  disarm,  especially  con 
sidered  that  the  normal  condition  of  society  is  but  now  enabled  to 
commence  changing  for  the  better.  France  thus  herself  in  danger, 
cannot  be  said  to  enjoy  peace.  The  humane  institutions  of  the  repub 
lican  form  of  government,  as  resting  upon  peace,  are 'already  assailed 
by  those  rotating  dynastical  interests  of  monarchial  aspirants  there. 

In  order  to  henceforth  shield  Europe  against  the  eventuality  of 
dynastical  wars,  Great  Britain.,  Germany,  and  Italy  have  to  unite  to 
guard  the  liberalism  of  Europe,  synonymous  of  progress,  as  resting 
upon  and  developing  itself  in  peace  only,  until  that  division  of  the 
globe  shall  be  so  universally  intellectual  and  strong  as  to  respect  it 
law-abidingly. 

America,  so  favorably  isolated  by  the  Atlantic,  comprehends  the  stu 
pendous  efforts  of  enlightened  Europe  struggling  to  surety  and  continu 
ally,  but  gradually,  advance  Freedom.  Upon  a  piece  of  territory  but  as 
large  as  half  the  Occident,  and  crammed  with  five  times  the  popula 
tion  of  the  whole  of  our  division  of  the  globe,  it  is  no  easy  matter  to 
accomplish.  It  is  not  only  the  desparity  of  population,  but  a  feudal 
autocratic  power  now  only  waning  within  the  latter  half  of  this  cen 
tury,  from  which  public,  mature  understanding  is  alone  capable  of 
rescuing  Liberty,  and  of  comprehending  the  vastness  of  the  strides 
which  it  costs  to  accomplish  it  legitimately.  Time,  the  divine  ameli 
orator  of  Grief,  shall  soon  roll  over  this  war,  and  the  bright  encour 
agement  of  Hope,  diffusing  life,  enable  nations  to  henceforth  insure 
their  happiness  and  progress  peaceably.  Then  to  disarm  will  be  the 
order  of  the  day.  What  happiness  and  wealth  is  sacrificed  by  such  a 
state  of  suspense  and  dread  of  war  !  What  misery  entailed  upon 
millions  of  people  by  the  one  word  ' '  hate  " — war,  rivalry  in  physical 
force,  all  of  which  gladiatorship  is  centered  in  the  two  words  "  un 
educated  and  bad  " — America  only  can  as  yet  comprehend. 

Fed  during  two  centuries  as  was  the  former  monarchial  power  of 
France,  by  the  permanent  disunion  of  Germany  and  Italy,  that  nutri 
ment  is  gone,  Europe,  the  hunting  ground  for  man,  "fenced  in  !" 
"  The  watch  of  the  Ehiiie  !  a  huntsman,  a  weather-beaten  dead  shot, 
on  the  look-out  !"  He  shall  not  keep  his  eye  off  France  as  long  as 
the  Eiver  Rhine  flows  upon  the  earth,  nor  of  Europe  until  it  is  repub 
lican,  and  is  fit  to  be  so  called.  Until  then  it  will  be  difficult  for 


141 

Europe  to  disarm.  That  difficulty  rests  entirely  with  society,  the 
normal  state  of  which  time  only  can  ameliorate  the  conventional  rigor 
of,  and  universal  education  radically  change. 

That  in  consequence  of  the  crammed  nature  of  European  popula 
tion  within  the  small  periphery  of  the  territorial  size  of  Europe,  and 
that  in  consideration  of  the  many  heterogeneous  national  elements 
adhering  to  legends  of  the  past,  hatred  of  the  present,  and  revenge 
for  the  future,  "  republicanism  in  its  manhood"  is  yet  far  distant,  is 
deplorably  clear. 

The  only  hope  which  shall  not  stay  the  deliberate  progress  of  Eu 
rope,  is  that  Germany,  more  intelligent  than  the  rest,  becomes  doubly 
as  numerically  strong  as  France,  instead  of  as  to-day,  merely  equal 
to  her  in  strength.  She  will  then  be  able  to  relax  from  the  rigor  of 
discipline  which  alone  secured  to  her  her  physical  preponderance,  and 
bestow  her  exclusive  attention  to  a  radical  change  in  the  normal  rules 
of  her  society.  From  her  compact  strength  she  at  present  may  guard 
peace,  although  she  cannot  initiate  disarming;  but  the  full  develop 
ment  of  her  greatness  depends  upon  the  social  elevation  of  the  people 
at  large,  and  the  cosmopolitan  extension  of  her  commerce. 

The  nations  of  United  Europe  have,  therefore,  for  the  present  to 
continue  to  maintain  the  folly  of  former  ignorance,  and  pay  for  it. 
That  folly,  that  incubus,  that  terrible  detriment,  consisted  on  the  1st 
of  September,  1871,  in  maintaining  upon  land  and  seas  5,164,300 
soldiers  and  512,394  horses,  and  keep  from  rust  10,224  pieces  of 
artillery,  exclusive  of  about  800  mitrailleuses — of  which  ruinous  in 
vestment  Germany  alone  maintains  18  army  corps  with  37  divisions  of 
infantry  and  10  divisions  of  cavalry,  and  337  batteries,  actually  sup 
porting  1,152,506  men,  and  caring  for  239,314  horses,  and  keeping 
on  a  war  footing  824,990  men,  with  95,724  horses  and  2,022  pieces  of 
artillery. 

The  consequences  of  this  war  recapitulate  in  this :  Great  Britain 
having  allied  herself  in  1856  with  France  instead  of  Prussia,  entitles 
the  present  Union  of  Germany,  since  the  defeat  of  the  French  in  this 
war,  to  the  Netherlands,  which  viewed  as  the  remnant  of  the  former 
great  Dutch  empire,  are  as  such,  consistently  and  inevitably  necessary 
to  now  contribute  to  the  formation  of  an  equally  vast  German  empire. 

The  consummation  of  this  desideratum  to  be  considered  peremp 
tory  as  demanded  by  duty  towards  the  entire  Germanic  race,  embrac 
ing  all  who  are  at  present  alienated  under  foreign  monarchical 
governments — to  the  detriment  of  the  expansion  of  the  Union  in  its 
great  aim  and  strides  of  progress :  the  fitness  for  self-government  and 
the  possibility  of  contributing  greatly  towards  the  humanization  of 
mankind  at  the  present  age. 


142 

Thus  the  present  regeneration  of  the  Netherlands,  the  Hanse-towns 
and  Baltic  ports  to  their  former  greatness  centuries  ago — the  realiza 
tion  of  the  manifest  destiny  of  the  German  Union,  shall  induce 
Great  Britain  to  morally  ally  herself  with  Germany,  as  strictly  de 
manded  by  Progress,  is  facilitated  by  race  and  religion,  is  augmented 
by  similarity  of  character  and  strength,  is  made  serviceable  to  mutual 
advantage  because  possible,  and  is  incumbent  as  a  duty  which  the 
two  nations  are  destined  to  fulfill  unitedly,  peaceable  and  harmoni 
ously,  to  the  glory  of  civilization. 

As  to  the  English  language,  it  is  evident  it  shall  become  the  lan 
guage  of  the  civilized  world,  because  the  United  States  of  America, 
absorbing  the  immigration  from  all  parts  of  it,  absorb  likewise  the 
various  languages. 


THE    END. 


UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA  LIBRARY 
BERKELEY 

Return  to  desk  from  which  borrowed. 
This  book  is  DUE  on  the  last  date  stamped  below. 


-  1953  LU 


MAY  2  b  1982 


7  a 


LD  21-100m-7,'52(A2528sl6)476 


